In cradle of Tunisia's uprising, much remains the same 10 years later


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Kais Bouazizi sits outside a cafe just metres away from the spot where, a decade ago, his cousin Mohamed's self-immolation became a catalyst for the Tunisian uprising and changed the Middle East.
"He was my neighbour and my friend. We were playing cards together just a week before he killed himself," he recalls. "He was a very simple man."
Mohamed's act in 2010 spoke directly to the legions of Tunisians mired in long-term joblessness, bruised by an oppressive police force and angry at a regime that they saw as openly corrupt. People like his cousin, Kais.
In the 10 years since Mohamed set himself on fire outside the municipal office in Sidi Bouzid in central Tunisia, the country has changed dramatically.
The old system fell and a new democracy is taking root, albeit slowly and with its own set of challenges – a technocratic government in office since September has yet to pass a single piece of legislation.
There have also been major security challenges.
Tunisia was the first country in the 2011 Arab uprisings and thousands of young men left the country in the months and years after to join battlefields in Syria and Iraq. Several extremist attacks hit the country's crucial tourism sector hard.

As living standards continue to decline, a generation has left in search of a future in Europe. All the while, the root causes of the mass protests of 2011 have festered and grown.

The aspiration of the revolution to finally bridge the gap between the more comfortable coastal regions and the hardscrabble interior has not been met.
Kais recalled the story of a girl from the comfortable coastal city of Monastir that he had wanted to marry before the revolution.

"Her parents refused, just because I was from Sidi Bouzid,” he said. “Once that happened, I came back here and stayed home for a month. Once the revolution came, I poured all my anger into that."

Before the pandemic struck this year, unemployment across the country averaged 16 per cent. In some interior towns like Sidi Bouzid, the number is doubled.

To Kais, there remain places that are for the status quo and those that are against it. Sidi Bouzid, he says, is still firmly in the camp seeking change.

Stabbing the air with his finger, Kais explains his own run-ins with the government since becoming politicised by the events of 2010 and 2011. He spoke of his numerous arrests and the various summons he has received to police stations since his appetite for politics led him into opposition to parties of every stripe since the revolution.

Today, residents of Sidi Bouzid tussle with a conflicted legacy of their role as the cradle of the revolution.

The uprising fixed the town in the consciousness of successive governments, with their nervousness over future dissent visible in the development of the area. Cafes have been freshly painted and new developments, such as a municipal sports centre and an agricultural training centre, have been built.

Imen Aziz was one of the few who eventually found work in the boom of new buildings in the town, getting a job at one of the new leisure facilities. But recent changes to the employment criteria mean she is now worrying for her position.

"After the revolution, the government created jobs for the people here," she says. "But they weren't sustainable."

Many of the jobs were intended to support the young and the vulnerable, she explains. However, a recent government reversal has capped the scheme to those aged under 45. Imen, now 46, will hear her fate in February.

She does not know what she will do after if the decision go against her.

'Things are getting harder'

Mohammed's memory and the town are now intertwined – the main thoroughfare bears his name, while a giant mural of the former fruit seller stares out from the side of a multi-storeyed building onto the barracks opposite. A monument erected in his honour sits outside the Museum of the Revolution, which is no longer open to visitors.
But life continues to get harder for many.
Day labourer Ghazi Oumi, 38, relies on casual work in agriculture or construction to get by.
"Life was better before the revolution," he says. "The cost of living has gone up and there are more unemployed people," he says. "I have seven daughters, the oldest is 20, and none have jobs. Everything I earn goes on food. We have no savings."
It is a viewpoint echoed by 43-year-old Saber Bakkoui, who rents a kiosk in the town centre selling newspapers. "Freedom is important" he says. "But improving people's standard of living is better." Today, he explains, many items – such as cylinders of cooking gas – are too expensive and are scarce.
Mr Bakkoui was previously employed as a casual worker in the area's agricultural sector. "My living conditions were better then," he says.
Many of the structural problems that first led to a revolution remain unresolved a decade on. This is clear in Sidi Bouzid – a sprawling lot earmarked for Somaproc, an initiative designed to employ 1,200 people and overhaul agriculture across the region, remains empty.
The three protest demands of employment, freedom and dignity are still absent.
Mokhtar Dhifi, 50, prepares hot sandwiches on a makeshift stand on the road out of town.
He once owned a restaurant, but cannot afford staff salaries because of the downturn that followed the revolution.
"Life is very difficult," he says plainly. "I am not hopeful for my children. Things are getting worse – it gets harder every year."

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Conflict, drought, famine

Estimates of the number of deaths caused by the famine range from 400,000 to 1 million, according to a document prepared for the UK House of Lords in 2024.
It has been claimed that the policies of the Ethiopian government, which took control after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie in a military-led revolution in 1974, contributed to the scale of the famine.
Dr Miriam Bradley, senior lecturer in humanitarian studies at the University of Manchester, has argued that, by the early 1980s, “several government policies combined to cause, rather than prevent, a famine which lasted from 1983 to 1985. Mengistu’s government imposed Stalinist-model agricultural policies involving forced collectivisation and villagisation [relocation of communities into planned villages].
The West became aware of the catastrophe through a series of BBC News reports by journalist Michael Buerk in October 1984 describing a “biblical famine” and containing graphic images of thousands of people, including children, facing starvation.

Band Aid

Bob Geldof, singer with the Irish rock group The Boomtown Rats, formed Band Aid in response to the horrific images shown in the news broadcasts.
With Midge Ure of the band Ultravox, he wrote the hit charity single Do They Know it’s Christmas in December 1984, featuring a string of high-profile musicians.
Following the single’s success, the idea to stage a rock concert evolved.
Live Aid was a series of simultaneous concerts that took place at Wembley Stadium in London, John F Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, the US, and at various other venues across the world.
The combined event was broadcast to an estimated worldwide audience of 1.5 billion.

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  • Stay hydrated: Drink plenty of fluids, especially water. Avoid alcohol and caffeine, which can increase dehydration.
  • Seek cool environments: Use air conditioning, fans, or visit community spaces with climate control.
  • Limit outdoor activities: Avoid strenuous activity during peak heat. If outside, seek shade and wear a wide-brimmed hat.
  • Dress appropriately: Wear lightweight, loose and light-coloured clothing to facilitate heat loss.
  • Check on vulnerable people: Regularly check in on elderly neighbours, young children and those with health conditions.
  • Home adaptations: Use blinds or curtains to block sunlight, avoid using ovens or stoves, and ventilate living spaces during cooler hours.
  • Recognise heat illness: Learn the signs of heat exhaustion and heat stroke (dizziness, confusion, rapid pulse, nausea), and seek medical attention if symptoms occur.
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1.

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UAE

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Director: Goran Hugo Olsson

Rating: 5/5

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Our family matters legal consultant

Name: Hassan Mohsen Elhais

Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.

How Filipinos in the UAE invest

A recent survey of 10,000 Filipino expatriates in the UAE found that 82 per cent have plans to invest, primarily in property. This is significantly higher than the 2014 poll showing only two out of 10 Filipinos planned to invest.

Fifty-five percent said they plan to invest in property, according to the poll conducted by the New Perspective Media Group, organiser of the Philippine Property and Investment Exhibition. Acquiring a franchised business or starting up a small business was preferred by 25 per cent and 15 per cent said they will invest in mutual funds. The rest said they are keen to invest in insurance (3 per cent) and gold (2 per cent).

Of the 5,500 respondents who preferred property as their primary investment, 54 per cent said they plan to make the purchase within the next year. Manila was the top location, preferred by 53 per cent.

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Helen Cullen, Graydon House 

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While you're here
Tax authority targets shisha levy evasion

The Federal Tax Authority will track shisha imports with electronic markers to protect customers and ensure levies have been paid.

Khalid Ali Al Bustani, director of the tax authority, on Sunday said the move is to "prevent tax evasion and support the authority’s tax collection efforts".

The scheme’s first phase, which came into effect on 1st January, 2019, covers all types of imported and domestically produced and distributed cigarettes. As of May 1, importing any type of cigarettes without the digital marks will be prohibited.

He said the latest phase will see imported and locally produced shisha tobacco tracked by the final quarter of this year.

"The FTA also maintains ongoing communication with concerned companies, to help them adapt their systems to meet our requirements and coordinate between all parties involved," he said.

As with cigarettes, shisha was hit with a 100 per cent tax in October 2017, though manufacturers and cafes absorbed some of the costs to prevent prices doubling.

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Director: Jon M Chu

Starring: Constance Wu, Henry Golding, Michelle Yeon, Gemma Chan

Four stars

The specs: 2018 Volkswagen Teramont

Price, base / as tested Dh137,000 / Dh189,950

Engine 3.6-litre V6

Gearbox Eight-speed automatic

Power 280hp @ 6,200rpm

Torque 360Nm @ 2,750rpm

Fuel economy, combined 11.7L / 100km

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2 Kuwaiti teams