Laurent Nkunda, leader of the rebel group, National Congress for the Defence of the People, on Dec 18 2008.
Laurent Nkunda, leader of the rebel group, National Congress for the Defence of the People, on Dec 18 2008.

Congolese rebel leader Nkunda held in Rwanda



Nairobi // The rebel general, Laurent Nkunda, who sparked panic in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) late last year when his forces threatened to overrun the region, has been arrested near the border with Rwanda. Gen Nkunda, whose rebellion threatened to extend one of the world's worst atrocities, surrendered peacefully after retreating from a joint Rwandan-Congolese operation on Thursday, his spokesman, Bertrand Bisimwa, said by satellite phone from eastern DRC yesterday. "I can confirm he has been arrested," said Mr Bisimwa, a senior aide to the dissident general. Gen Nkunda's seizure marks an incredible turnaround for the Tutsi rebel commander, who has gone from being the most powerful military leader in the area to being arrested by his former allies. A UN report in December accused the Tutsi-led government in Rwanda of supplying arms and money to Gen Nkunda's National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). Gen Nkunda was detained on Rwandan soil after fleeing from Bunagana, one of his Congolese mountain strongholds, according to the UN. There was confusion last night over his whereabouts as unconfirmed reports said he had been repatriated to the DRC, while UN officials indicated he was in the Rwandan capital, Kigali. Crowds gathered at the border in the Congolese city of Goma yesterday afternoon after rumours circulated he was to be handed over. There is no extradition treaty between the two countries but officials loyal to Gen Nkunda feared he would be marched across the border and handed over regardless. A spokesman for the government of Joseph Kabila in Kinshasa welcomed the general's arrest and said it would seek his extradition to face charges of crimes against humanity. The rebel commander appears to have been caught by a rapidly changing diplomatic landscape that has seen the DRC government sign an unexpected deal with its adversary, Rwanda, and proceed immediately to a joint operation against rebel groups that have terrorised the North Kivu province displacing up to a million people. The terms of that deal are unknown, even to the UN, with both countries confirming only that Rwandan forces had been given permission to enter the DRC to pursue Hutu rebel groups, which have been based there since fleeing the aftermath of the genocide in 1994. The arrival of around 4,000 Rwandan troops in DRC has startled observers of the two long-time enemies. A Rwandan army spokesman yesterday described Gen Nkunda as a "barrier" to the "smooth running of the joint operation". Gen Nkunda has long been the number one threat to the government in Kinshasa, while Rwanda has been keen to hunt down remnants of the Hutu genocide. It appears the two countries have overcome their mutual suspicion and made a deal to eliminate both problems in one operation. The agreement appears to have completely wrong-footed Gen Nkunda, who had previously been fighting the same Hutu remnants, known as the FDLR, in the name of protecting the Tutsi minority in the DRC. However, the general seems to have overplayed his hand in late October when his forces launched a lightning attack that routed the Congolese army in North Kivu and threatened to overrun the city of Goma, the headquarters of the UN mission, Monuc, and the centre of international aid operations in the region. The ensuing humanitarian crisis sparked an international outcry and put immense pressure on Kigali and Kinshasa to settle their differences. Rwanda has come in for particularly strong criticism and stood to lose some of the foreign aid on which it depends. Gen Nkunda, a Congolese Tutsi and former psychology student, was previously seen as either a proxy for Rwanda or Kigali's staunchest ally. He moved to Uganda in the 1990s where he joined the Rwandan Tutsi army and later drove Hutu forces out of Rwanda after the genocide. He then led a powerful Rwandan-backed rebel group during the 1998-2003 war in the DRC, afterwards joining the Congolese national army. He soon quit the army in 2004 to set up the CNDP, after claiming that Hutu extremists were targeting Tutsis. In recent weeks he lost control of the CNDP after falling out with fellow commanders who wanted to make peace with the government. * The National

Both nations have said the Rwandans are in Congo as part of an operation to hunt down and disarm thousands of mostly Hutu ethnic fighters who fled to Congo in the wake of Rwanda's 1994 genocide. Mr Nkunda took up arms several years ago with backing from formerly close ally Rwanda, claiming he needed to protect minority Tutsis from the Hutu militias. Analysts say Rwanda and Mr Nkunda's own commanders had grown irritated by Mr Nkunda, viewing him as a flippant, authoritarian megalomanic who had allegedly embezzled money from rebel coffers. Earlier this month, Nkunda's ex-chief of staff, Bosco Ntaganda, formed a splinter movement and last week announced his forces would work together with Congo's army to fight the Hutu militias and eventually integrate into the army. Mr Ntaganda may have turned on his former boss because he was afraid months of growing distrust might have prompted Mr Nkunda to turn him over to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands, where he is wanted for the alleged forced conscription of child soldiers in the northern Ituri region five years ago. Though details of the agreement to allow Rwandan troops on Congo soil have not been made public, analysts speculate the government may have promised not to hand Mr Ntaganda over for extradition in exchange for his co-operation. Rwanda has been under international pressure for months to use its influence over Tutsi rebels to end the conflict, and the breakthrough agreement may have been borne out of the split within Mr Nkunda's movement that both Congo and Rwanda were quick to exploit.

* AP

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In numbers: PKK’s money network in Europe

Germany: PKK collectors typically bring in $18 million in cash a year – amount has trebled since 2010

Revolutionary tax: Investigators say about $2 million a year raised from ‘tax collection’ around Marseille

Extortion: Gunman convicted in 2023 of demanding $10,000 from Kurdish businessman in Stockholm

Drug trade: PKK income claimed by Turkish anti-drugs force in 2024 to be as high as $500 million a year

Denmark: PKK one of two terrorist groups along with Iranian separatists ASMLA to raise “two-digit million amounts”

Contributions: Hundreds of euros expected from typical Kurdish families and thousands from business owners

TV channel: Kurdish Roj TV accounts frozen and went bankrupt after Denmark fined it more than $1 million over PKK links in 2013 

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Liverpool 4

Oxlade-Chamberlain 9', Firmino 59', Mane 61', Salah 68'

Manchester City 3

Sane 40', Bernardo Silva 84', Gundogan 90' 1

Another way to earn air miles

In addition to the Emirates and Etihad programmes, there is the Air Miles Middle East card, which offers members the ability to choose any airline, has no black-out dates and no restrictions on seat availability. Air Miles is linked up to HSBC credit cards and can also be earned through retail partners such as Spinneys, Sharaf DG and The Toy Store.

An Emirates Dubai-London round-trip ticket costs 180,000 miles on the Air Miles website. But customers earn these ‘miles’ at a much faster rate than airline miles. Adidas offers two air miles per Dh1 spent. Air Miles has partnerships with websites as well, so booking.com and agoda.com offer three miles per Dh1 spent.

“If you use your HSBC credit card when shopping at our partners, you are able to earn Air Miles twice which will mean you can get that flight reward faster and for less spend,” says Paul Lacey, the managing director for Europe, Middle East and India for Aimia, which owns and operates Air Miles Middle East.

Europe’s rearming plan
  • Suspend strict budget rules to allow member countries to step up defence spending
  • Create new "instrument" providing €150 billion of loans to member countries for defence investment
  • Use the existing EU budget to direct more funds towards defence-related investment
  • Engage the bloc's European Investment Bank to drop limits on lending to defence firms
  • Create a savings and investments union to help companies access capital
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

2025 Fifa Club World Cup groups

Group A: Palmeiras, Porto, Al Ahly, Inter Miami.

Group B: Paris Saint-Germain, Atletico Madrid, Botafogo, Seattle.

Group C: Bayern Munich, Auckland City, Boca Juniors, Benfica.

Group D: Flamengo, ES Tunis, Chelsea, (Leon banned).

Group E: River Plate, Urawa, Monterrey, Inter Milan.

Group F: Fluminense, Borussia Dortmund, Ulsan, Mamelodi Sundowns.

Group G: Manchester City, Wydad, Al Ain, Juventus.

Group H: Real Madrid, Al Hilal, Pachuca, Salzburg.

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Ms Yang's top tips for parents new to the UAE
  1. Join parent networks
  2. Look beyond school fees
  3. Keep an open mind