Recent changes within the political structure of Hamas reveal a shift of thinking that took place long ago. Khalil Hamra / AP Photo
Recent changes within the political structure of Hamas reveal a shift of thinking that took place long ago. Khalil Hamra / AP Photo

Hamas has chosen a new path not out of choice, but out of necessity



Earlier this month, Hamas elected Ismail Haniyeh as its new overall leader, replacing Khaled Meshaal, who had completed the maximum two terms in office, and who had headed Hamas since Israel’s assassination of his predecessor Abdel Aziz Rantisi in 2004.

Coming days after the organisation published a policy document that was seen as an attempt to soften its image, media reports have suggested accordingly that Haniyeh is expected to usher in a more pragmatic direction for Hamas. However, the implication that this will herald a shift from Meshaal’s leadership is misguided.

The significant difference in leadership style is not between Haniyeh and Meshaal – both relative pragmatists – but between them and Hamas’s co-founders Rantisi and the late Ahmed Yassin, who were more hard-line.

A marked difference is that Meshaal and Haniyeh have both expressed Hamas’ acceptance of a Palestinian state in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Rantisi and Yassin called for the liberation of all of historic Palestine, in line with Hamas’s charter.

In 2008, former US president Jimmy Carter met with Meshaal and reached an agreement that Hamas would accept a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders as long as such a state was ratified by the Palestinian people in a referendum.

In 2010, Haniyeh, addressing a rare news conference in Hamas-ruled Gaza, said: “We accept a Palestinian state on the borders of 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, the release of Palestinian prisoners, and the resolution of the issue of refugees. Hamas will respect the results [of a referendum] regardless of whether it differs from its ideology and principles.” This from Hamas’s Gaza leader at the time.

The significance of this concession by Meshaal and then Haniyeh, contradicting Hamas’s own charter, has been conveniently overlooked by Israel and its allies.

But such a shift should not be particularly surprising; it should be seen not as a fundamental difference of opinion by Hamas’s current and former leaders vis-à-vis their two predecessors, but as an acknowledgement of the changing realities on the ground, domestically and regionally.

These realities have evolved continuously since the organisation’s founding during the first Palestinian intifada in the 1980s. Indeed, the status quo during Yassin’s and Rantisi’s leadership was a world away from that of Meshaal’s and now Haniyeh’s. Each is a product of their time, and in such a troubled and volatile environment, Hamas has had to adapt to survive, let alone progress.

It was easier for the co-founders to be more hard-line because times were relatively simple for Hamas under its original leadership. While there were certainly tensions between it and the Palestinian Authority (PA) under Yasser Arafat during the 1990s and early 2000s, the rivalry increased markedly after his death in 2004. The two sides came to direct blows in 2007, resulting in the PA being ousted from Gaza and Hamas being driven underground in the West Bank.

Having previously had relative freedom of movement in both territories, and having been able to cultivate contacts in neighbouring countries due to Israeli deportations of Hamas leaders, it has since been confined to the far smaller and tightly blockaded Gaza. This has presented it with massive economic, political and military challenges.

Before 2006 it had focused primarily on military resistance against Israel, but that year it decided to become a full-fledged political party by taking part in parliamentary elections.

Its election victory, which surprised much of the international community, meant it suddenly had far greater responsibilities than being primarily a militant group or an opposition party. It now had to undertake national governance, having had no previous experience, and with the impossible task of doing so not just under Israeli occupation but also international sanctions.

Being confined to Gaza a year later complicated matters further for Hamas, which has had to govern an impoverished population of 2 million under a tight land, air and sea blockade. This, in addition to facing three full-scale wars waged against Gaza by Israel in 2008-2009, 2012 and 2014 (Hamas’s geographic confinement and increased visibility as a government making it easier to target), and a recent increase in economic pressure applied by the PA, such as slashing civil servant salaries in Gaza by 30 per cent and halting payments for the territory’s electricity.

All this has created a humanitarian disaster, with the UN warning in 2015 that Gaza could become “uninhabitable” by 2020. These conditions have led to protests among Gazans, and have allowed ISIL to establish a foothold there and directly threaten Hamas’s authority, making good on those threats by carrying out attacks against it.

Hamas’s regional position has also become more precarious. Its maximalist stance vis-à-vis Israel became much more difficult to maintain after the Arab Peace Initiative was first announced in 2002 (and reiterated in 2007 and 2017). The faction’s stance was bound to soften in light of the acceptance of all 22 Arab League members to normalise relations with Israel if it withdrew from the territories occupied since 1967.

Hamas’s closer ties to Iran amid international sanctions estranged it from strategically important Arab states, and the regional dynamics brought about by the onset of the Arab Spring in 2011 made things even more difficult for the movement.

Its refusal to support the Syrian regime’s brutal crackdown on its own people left Hamas shunned by its erstwhile allies Hizbollah, Iran (which cut off its funding) and Syria (which Hamas had to leave). But this has not ingratiated it with Arab governments opposed to those parties. Furthermore, the close ties developed with Cairo under Mohammed Morsi were turned on their head when he was removed in 2013.

Meanwhile, one of Hamas’s only regional allies in recent years, Turkey, re-normalised ties with Tel Aviv in 2016 following their spat that began in 2010 when Israel raided an aid flotilla bound for Gaza, killing Turkish citizens on board.

Amid these shifting tectonic plates, domestically and regionally, the relative pragmatism of Meshaal and Haniyeh compared to their predecessors is more a necessity than a choice. Hamas’s release earlier this month of its policy document is a product of that. But it has not had the desired effect – hard-line supporters have criticised it for showing weakness, yet its enemies remain unconvinced.

Some of those enemies, particularly Israel – whose prime minister ostentatiously crumpled the document and tossed it into a bin in a video on social media – will maintain their hostility no matter what Hamas does.

But the movement must take its share of the blame, producing a document that should and could have been ground-breaking, but that contained numerous fundamental ambiguities and contradictions, not just compared to its charter (which the document does not replace, as was originally thought), but within the document itself. This was likely the result of the document trying to be everything to everyone, but this was never going to be feasible. In hedging its bets, Hamas’ s big gamble seems to have failed.

Sharif Nashashibi is a journalist and political analyst

A MINECRAFT MOVIE

Director: Jared Hess

Starring: Jack Black, Jennifer Coolidge, Jason Momoa

Rating: 3/5

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Name: Dr Hassan Mohsen Elhais

Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.

Scores

New Zealand 266 for 9 in 50 overs
Pakistan 219 all out in 47.2 overs 

New Zealand win by 47 runs

Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

%E2%80%98FSO%20Safer%E2%80%99%20-%20a%20ticking%20bomb
%3Cp%3EThe%20%3Cem%3ESafer%3C%2Fem%3E%20has%20been%20moored%20off%20the%20Yemeni%20coast%20of%20Ras%20Issa%20since%201988.%3Cbr%3EThe%20Houthis%20have%20been%20blockading%20UN%20efforts%20to%20inspect%20and%20maintain%20the%20vessel%20since%202015%2C%20when%20the%20war%20between%20the%20group%20and%20the%20Yemen%20government%2C%20backed%20by%20the%20Saudi-led%20coalition%20began.%3Cbr%3ESince%20then%2C%20a%20handful%20of%20people%20acting%20as%20a%20%3Ca%20href%3D%22https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.ae%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%26esrc%3Ds%26source%3Dweb%26cd%3D%26ved%3D2ahUKEwiw2OfUuKr4AhVBuKQKHTTzB7cQFnoECB4QAQ%26url%3Dhttps%253A%252F%252Fwww.thenationalnews.com%252Fworld%252Fmena%252Fyemen-s-floating-bomb-tanker-millions-kept-safe-by-skeleton-crew-1.1104713%26usg%3DAOvVaw0t9FPiRsx7zK7aEYgc65Ad%22%20target%3D%22_self%22%3Eskeleton%20crew%3C%2Fa%3E%2C%20have%20performed%20rudimentary%20maintenance%20work%20to%20keep%20the%20%3Cem%3ESafer%3C%2Fem%3E%20intact.%3Cbr%3EThe%20%3Cem%3ESafer%3C%2Fem%3E%20is%20connected%20to%20a%20pipeline%20from%20the%20oil-rich%20city%20of%20Marib%2C%20and%20was%20once%20a%20hub%20for%20the%20storage%20and%20export%20of%20crude%20oil.%26nbsp%3B%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3EThe%20%3Cem%3ESafer%3C%2Fem%3E%E2%80%99s%20environmental%20and%20humanitarian%20impact%20may%20extend%20well%20beyond%20Yemen%2C%20experts%20believe%2C%20into%20the%20surrounding%20waters%20of%20Saudi%20Arabia%2C%20Djibouti%20and%20Eritrea%2C%20impacting%20marine-life%20and%20vital%20infrastructure%20like%20desalination%20plans%20and%20fishing%20ports.%C2%A0%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
UPI facts

More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023
More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE
Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems
Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions

Ms Yang's top tips for parents new to the UAE
  1. Join parent networks
  2. Look beyond school fees
  3. Keep an open mind
COMPANY%20PROFILE
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The Bio

Favourite vegetable: “I really like the taste of the beetroot, the potatoes and the eggplant we are producing.”

Holiday destination: “I like Paris very much, it’s a city very close to my heart.”

Book: “Das Kapital, by Karl Marx. I am not a communist, but there are a lot of lessons for the capitalist system, if you let it get out of control, and humanity.”

Musician: “I like very much Fairuz, the Lebanese singer, and the other is Umm Kulthum. Fairuz is for listening to in the morning, Umm Kulthum for the night.”

German intelligence warnings
  • 2002: "Hezbollah supporters feared becoming a target of security services because of the effects of [9/11] ... discussions on Hezbollah policy moved from mosques into smaller circles in private homes." Supporters in Germany: 800
  • 2013: "Financial and logistical support from Germany for Hezbollah in Lebanon supports the armed struggle against Israel ... Hezbollah supporters in Germany hold back from actions that would gain publicity." Supporters in Germany: 950
  • 2023: "It must be reckoned with that Hezbollah will continue to plan terrorist actions outside the Middle East against Israel or Israeli interests." Supporters in Germany: 1,250 

Source: Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution

Election pledges on migration

CDU: "Now is the time to control the German borders and enforce strict border rejections" 

SPD: "Border closures and blanket rejections at internal borders contradict the spirit of a common area of freedom" 

In numbers: PKK’s money network in Europe

Germany: PKK collectors typically bring in $18 million in cash a year – amount has trebled since 2010

Revolutionary tax: Investigators say about $2 million a year raised from ‘tax collection’ around Marseille

Extortion: Gunman convicted in 2023 of demanding $10,000 from Kurdish businessman in Stockholm

Drug trade: PKK income claimed by Turkish anti-drugs force in 2024 to be as high as $500 million a year

Denmark: PKK one of two terrorist groups along with Iranian separatists ASMLA to raise “two-digit million amounts”

Contributions: Hundreds of euros expected from typical Kurdish families and thousands from business owners

TV channel: Kurdish Roj TV accounts frozen and went bankrupt after Denmark fined it more than $1 million over PKK links in 2013 

COMPANY%20PROFILE
%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3ECompany%20name%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Revibe%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EStarted%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%202022%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EFounders%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Hamza%20Iraqui%20and%20Abdessamad%20Ben%20Zakour%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EBased%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20UAE%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EIndustry%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Refurbished%20electronics%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EFunds%20raised%20so%20far%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20%2410m%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EInvestors%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EFlat6Labs%2C%20Resonance%20and%20various%20others%0D%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
The specS: 2018 Toyota Camry

Price: base / as tested: Dh91,000 / Dh114,000

Engine: 3.5-litre V6

Gearbox: Eight-speed automatic

Power: 298hp @ 6,600rpm

Torque: 356Nm @ 4,700rpm

Fuel economy, combined: 7.0L / 100km

Key facilities
  • Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
  • Premier League-standard football pitch
  • 400m Olympic running track
  • NBA-spec basketball court with auditorium
  • 600-seat auditorium
  • Spaces for historical and cultural exploration
  • An elevated football field that doubles as a helipad
  • Specialist robotics and science laboratories
  • AR and VR-enabled learning centres
  • Disruption Lab and Research Centre for developing entrepreneurial skills
THE SPECS

Engine: 6.75-litre twin-turbocharged V12 petrol engine 

Power: 420kW

Torque: 780Nm

Transmission: 8-speed automatic

Price: From Dh1,350,000

On sale: Available for preorder now

The specs

Engine: 6.2-litre supercharged V8

Power: 712hp at 6,100rpm

Torque: 881Nm at 4,800rpm

Transmission: 8-speed auto

Fuel consumption: 19.6 l/100km

Price: Dh380,000

On sale: now