What does the Justin Mohn video tell us about online hate?

In a review of a new study of American far-right extremism published earlier this month, Philip Mudd, a former deputy director of the CIA’s Counterterrorism Centre and the FBI’s national security branch, observed “how common the phenomena of paranoia and prejudice are among people who see themselves as defenders of the Constitution, and the real American dream”.

Such conspiratorial thinking was expressed in a shockingly violent act this week. Justin Mohn, 32, was arrested by police in the north-eastern state of Pennsylvania after allegedly posting a 14-minute YouTube video in which he beheaded his 68-year-old father, whom he described as “a federal employee”, before launching into a tirade against US President Joe Biden and calling for an uprising against the American government.

Thanks to the power of social media, the horrifying video and its message of hate was viewed by countless YouTube users and was online for six hours before being taken down. Although the extreme violence marks the incident out, the ideas and language contained in the clip – paranoia about big government, hostility to “globalists” and “woke” culture – are not the preserve of dark corners of the internet; they are increasingly mainstream. “The fringe chillingly edges toward the norm,” as Mr Mudd puts it.

Justin Mohn, 32, was arrested by police in Pennsylvania after allegedly posting a 14-minute YouTube video in which he beheaded his 68-year-old father before launching into a political tirade. Photo: Blog Video via YouTube

Many governments and law-enforcement agencies in the US and other parts of the West remain focused on the violent threat posed by Islamist militants. This is understandable to an extent – such extremists have killed members of the public in several European cities, and the shadow of 9/11 looms large in the American consciousness. But if we are to identify where the greatest risk of terrorism comes from, the facts point us in a different direction: the far right.

According to research published by the US National Institute of Justice in January, since 1990 far-right extremists “have committed far more ideologically motivated homicides than far-left or radical Islamist extremists, including 227 events that took more than 520 lives”. The specific US context of widespread gun ownership and the presence of armed militia groups adds an extra element of danger to what is already a volatile mix.

In Europe, too, where a considerable number of hard-right parties with their roots in fascist movements are inching towards political power, right-wing extremists pose a demonstrable threat. Whether acting alone – as in the case of Thomas Mair who murdered British MP Jo Cox in 2016 – or in amorphous organisations that rebrand and regroup shortly after being banned, the danger they present demands pro-active policing and intelligence work.

The 21st-century far right is often quite different from the street gangs or lumpen political groups of the past. The reach provided by the internet and social media is considerable and helps extremists exploit an array of contemporary problems. As a December report from Europol found, although right-wing extremists’ ideas are “always mixed and often contradictory”, they thrive on “contemporary offline developments that resonate with their own grievances" and these "drive the online discourse”.

Social media platforms have a particular responsibility here, and need to meet that responsibility with more seriousness when it comes to content moderation. Aside from its hateful content, the appalling violence of the Pennsylvania video should have been enough for a wealthy platform provider such as YouTube to identify and remove it as quickly as possible.

The medium of the message is one thing, but its content is another. Political leaders – whether those in power or those who aspire to it – must get serious and understand that their words carry real weight. Polarising language, provocative policies and dog-whistle politics are often seized upon by the ultra-right, the conspiracy theorists and the peddlers of hate. Pennsylvania has shown how a diet of manipulation and grievance can have deadly consequences.

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How to invest in gold

Investors can tap into the gold price by purchasing physical jewellery, coins and even gold bars, but these need to be stored safely and possibly insured.

A cheaper and more straightforward way to benefit from gold price growth is to buy an exchange-traded fund (ETF).

Most advisers suggest sticking to “physical” ETFs. These hold actual gold bullion, bars and coins in a vault on investors’ behalf. Others do not hold gold but use derivatives to track the price instead, adding an extra layer of risk. The two biggest physical gold ETFs are SPDR Gold Trust and iShares Gold Trust.

Another way to invest in gold’s success is to buy gold mining stocks, but Mr Gravier says this brings added risks and can be more volatile. “They have a serious downside potential should the price consolidate.”

Mr Kyprianou says gold and gold miners are two different asset classes. “One is a commodity and the other is a company stock, which means they behave differently.”

Mining companies are a business, susceptible to other market forces, such as worker availability, health and safety, strikes, debt levels, and so on. “These have nothing to do with gold at all. It means that some companies will survive, others won’t.”

By contrast, when gold is mined, it just sits in a vault. “It doesn’t even rust, which means it retains its value,” Mr Kyprianou says.

You may already have exposure to gold miners in your portfolio, say, through an international ETF or actively managed mutual fund.

You could spread this risk with an actively managed fund that invests in a spread of gold miners, with the best known being BlackRock Gold & General. It is up an incredible 55 per cent over the past year, and 240 per cent over five years. As always, past performance is no guide to the future.

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Key recommendations

Fewer criminals put behind bars and more to serve sentences in the community, with short sentences scrapped and many inmates released earlier.
Greater use of curfews and exclusion zones to deliver tougher supervision than ever on criminals.
Explore wider powers for judges to punish offenders by blocking them from attending football matches, banning them from driving or travelling abroad through an expansion of ‘ancillary orders’.
More Intensive Supervision Courts to tackle the root causes of crime such as alcohol and drug abuse – forcing repeat offenders to take part in tough treatment programmes or face prison.

Cricket World Cup League Two

Oman, UAE, Namibia

Al Amerat, Muscat

Results

Oman beat UAE by five wickets

UAE beat Namibia by eight runs

Fixtures

Wednesday January 8 –Oman v Namibia

Thursday January 9 – Oman v UAE

Saturday January 11 – UAE v Namibia

Sunday January 12 – Oman v Namibia

Company%20profile

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