Last weekend, the US State Department issued a $10 million reward for information on Mohammad Kawtharani, a senior Hezbollah figure based in Iraq. This is not the first time that Kawtharani has landed on the radar of the Americans. In fact, he was added to the US terror list in 2013. But why is he now worth $10m?
The answer lies in Hezbollah’s growing ambitions in Iraq and abroad, and a shift in its influence and role from a sister proxy of the Iranian regime to a mediator of sorts, at a time when the rule of Tehran is under fire both domestically and in the region.
Kawtharani is believed to have been close to Qassem Suleimani, the slain commander of Iran’s Quds Force, an elite military branch of the regime responsible for managing pro-Iranian groups abroad and carrying out external operations. Kawtharani has also played a role in sending Iraqi militiamen to fight for Bashar Al Assad’s regime in Syria.
As Hezbollah's representative in Iraq, he has also come to assume the unofficial role of co-ordinator for the country's many Iran-aligned militias following the demise of Suleimani. This January, Suleimani was killed in a US airstrike in Baghdad along with Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, the former head of Kataib Hezbollah, one of the many Tehran-backed militias united under the umbrella of the Popular Mobilisation Forces, which he also co-headed.
With two major figures once responsible for the consolidation of Tehran's grip on Iraq now gone, a power vacuum had set in – although Esmail Qaani had been appointed Sulaimani's successor. And even as the PMF's militias jostled for power, Moqtada Al Sadr – whose Sairoon coalition is the largest bloc in parliament, faced off with authorities and other pro-Iranian groups for dominance in Iraqi politics. This is when Hezbollah stepped in to offer guidance. The group has had ties to Iraq's Iranian proxies for decades, going back to the days of Saddam Hussein's rule.
Supporters of Hezbollah listen to Hezbollah's Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah as he delivers a televised speech. EPA
Shortly after Suleimani's killings, Hezbollah's representatives met with Iraqi militia leaders in a bid to unite their ranks. The end goal was to nominate a prime minister capable of putting together a cabinet agreeable to their Iranian patrons and at the same time capable of assuaging the concerns of Iraq's youth, who had been protesting against institutional corruption, Tehran's grip on the country and the rule of militias, since October. Hundreds of unarmed civilians have lost their lives in a bid to push out corrupted politicians. And even Mr Al Sadr, who had initially aligned himself with the protesters, began siding with Tehran and taking up arms against the protesters.
Fighters from the Syrian army units and Hezbollah are seen near Damascus. SANA
Hezbollah seemed ideally positioned to guide Iraq’s fractious militias through what is essentially a contradictory process. After all, the group has succeeded to quell, at least in part, Lebanon’s own protest movement that began 17 days after Iraq’s "October Revolution." These include the end of sectarian rule, widespread corruption and deteriorating standards of living.
Contrary to its Iraqi counterparts, Hezbollah can count on its image for being "incorruptible", an advantage in its dealings at home and abroad. Despite being listed as a terrorist organisation by the US, the Arab League and many European countries, the group maintains an aura of respectability, and even sanctity, with an influence beyond its traditional base of religious Shias. This is due in large part to the group’s claim of being a resistance movement and its success in liberating Lebanon’s south from Israeli occupation – although others also took part in the fight.
Hezbollah's Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah also plays an important role in honing this image of sanctity. A clergyman claimed to be a descendant of Prophet Mohammed, his hours-long televised speeches can captivate an entranced audience from beginning to end. In fact, even as protesters rose up against Amal – the group’s only competitor within Lebanon's Shia community – in the early days of demonstrations, Hezbollah dodged overt condemnation in Shiite heartlands. It is unclear whether this silence was a result of the public's respect for the group or its fear of it.
Houthi fighters mobilise to fight pro-government forces in Sanaa, Yemen. Hani Mohammed / AP
Either way, Hezbollah's image has helped it to extend its reach beyond its borders. Its allure is striking not just in Syria but also in faraway Yemen. Reports suggest that the Houthi rebels there have received military training and advice from Hezbollah. Within just two years, the Houthis have reportedly raised nearly $1 million for the group through Ramadan fundraisers and radio campaigns, at a time when 80 per cent of Yemenis rely on aid to make ends meet. The rebels have even gone as far as mimicking its logo, albeit using different colours.
In addition to Hezbollah's reputation, cohesiveness and durability – the organisation is the Iranian regime’s oldest proxy – it can also count on the support of an international network of financiers dealing in drug-trafficking and money-laundering schemes from sub-Saharan Africa to Latin America’s Tri-Border Area. Some of Lebanon’s banks, such as the now-defunct Lebanese Canadian Bank and Jammal Trust Bank, have also been involved in funneling money to the group and its allies, allowing it to evade US sanctions.
Contrary to its Iraqi counterparts, Hezbollah can count on its image for being "incorruptible", an advantage in its dealings at home and abroad
This track record has allowed the group to become Tehran’s most trusted ally, one that can co-ordinate its external operations in times of strife and, essentially, play the same role as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Iran's paramilitary volunteer militia of which Quds Force is a part. However, Hezbollah’s growing influence points not to Tehran’s increased hold over the region but to its mounting challenges at home and faltering leadership abroad.
Hezbollah itself is dealing with upheaval at home. Amid the coronavirus pandemic, protests have no doubt come to a halt in Iraq and Lebanon. But the group will, in all likelihood, continue to face challenges to its legitimacy as people return to the streets. And with a price tag now on one of its senior leaders abroad, Hezbollah's Iranian patron is running out of options to keep its other proxies within its grasp.
Aya Iskandarani is a staff Comment writer at The National
Troy Payne, head chef at Abu Dhabi’s newest healthy eatery Sanderson’s in Al Seef Resort & Spa, says singles need to change their mindset about how they approach the supermarket.
“They feel like they can’t buy one cucumber,” he says. “But I can walk into a shop – I feed two people at home – and I’ll walk into a shop and I buy one cucumber, I’ll buy one onion.”
Mr Payne asks for the sticker to be placed directly on each item, rather than face the temptation of filling one of the two-kilogram capacity plastic bags on offer.
The chef also advises singletons not get too hung up on “organic”, particularly high-priced varieties that have been flown in from far-flung locales. Local produce is often grown sustainably, and far cheaper, he says.
Touch is derived from rugby league. Teams consist of up to 14 players with a maximum of six on the field at any time.
Teams can make as many substitutions as they want during the 40 minute matches.
Similar to rugby league, the attacking team has six attempts - or touches - before possession changes over.
A touch is any contact between the player with the ball and a defender, and must be with minimum force.
After a touch the player performs a “roll-ball” - similar to the play-the-ball in league - stepping over or rolling the ball between the feet.
At the roll-ball, the defenders have to retreat a minimum of five metres.
A touchdown is scored when an attacking player places the ball on or over the score-line.
The specs
Engine: 2.0-litre 4-cylinder turbo
Power: 240hp at 5,500rpm
Torque: 390Nm at 3,000rpm
Transmission: eight-speed auto
Price: from Dh122,745
On sale: now
French business
France has organised a delegation of leading businesses to travel to Syria. The group was led by French shipping giant CMA CGM, which struck a 30-year contract in May with the Syrian government to develop and run Latakia port. Also present were water and waste management company Suez, defence multinational Thales, and Ellipse Group, which is currently looking into rehabilitating Syrian hospitals.
Three ways to limit your social media use
Clinical psychologist, Dr Saliha Afridi at The Lighthouse Arabia suggests three easy things you can do every day to cut back on the time you spend online.
1. Put the social media app in a folder on the second or third screen of your phone so it has to remain a conscious decision to open, rather than something your fingers gravitate towards without consideration.
2. Schedule a time to use social media instead of consistently throughout the day. I recommend setting aside certain times of the day or week when you upload pictures or share information.
3. Take a mental snapshot rather than a photo on your phone. Instead of sharing it with your social world, try to absorb the moment, connect with your feeling, experience the moment with all five of your senses. You will have a memory of that moment more vividly and for far longer than if you take a picture of it.
4.35pm: Tilal Al Khalediah 5.10pm: Continous 5.45pm: Raging Torrent 6.20pm: West Acre 7pm: Flood Zone 7.40pm: Straight No Chaser 8.15pm: Romantic Warrior 8.50pm: Calandogan 9.30pm: Forever Young
ZIMBABWE V UAE, ODI SERIES
All matches at the Harare Sports Club:
1st ODI, Wednesday - Zimbabwe won by 7 wickets
2nd ODI, Friday, April 12
3rd ODI, Sunday, April 14
4th ODI, Tuesday, April 16
UAE squad: Mohammed Naveed (captain), Rohan Mustafa, Ashfaq Ahmed, Shaiman Anwar, Mohammed Usman, CP Rizwan, Chirag Suri, Mohammed Boota, Ghulam Shabber, Sultan Ahmed, Imran Haider, Amir Hayat, Zahoor Khan, Qadeer Ahmed
Notable salonnières of the Middle East through history
Al Khasan (Okaz, Saudi Arabia)
Tamadir bint Amr Al Harith, known simply as Al Khasan, was a poet from Najd famed for elegies, earning great renown for the eulogy of her brothers Mu’awiyah and Sakhr, both killed in tribal wars. Although not a salonnière, this prestigious 7th century poet fostered a culture of literary criticism and could be found standing in the souq of Okaz and reciting her poetry, publicly pronouncing her views and inviting others to join in the debate on scholarship. She later converted to Islam.
Maryana Marrash (Aleppo)
A poet and writer, Marrash helped revive the tradition of the salon and was an active part of the Nadha movement, or Arab Renaissance. Born to an established family in Aleppo in Ottoman Syria in 1848, Marrash was educated at missionary schools in Aleppo and Beirut at a time when many women did not receive an education. After touring Europe, she began to host salons where writers played chess and cards, competed in the art of poetry, and discussed literature and politics. An accomplished singer and canon player, music and dancing were a part of these evenings.
Princess Nazil Fadil (Cairo)
Princess Nazil Fadil gathered religious, literary and political elite together at her Cairo palace, although she stopped short of inviting women. The princess, a niece of Khedive Ismail, believed that Egypt’s situation could only be solved through education and she donated her own property to help fund the first modern Egyptian University in Cairo.
Mayy Ziyadah (Cairo)
Ziyadah was the first to entertain both men and women at her Cairo salon, founded in 1913. The writer, poet, public speaker and critic, her writing explored language, religious identity, language, nationalism and hierarchy. Born in Nazareth, Palestine, to a Lebanese father and Palestinian mother, her salon was open to different social classes and earned comparisons with souq of where Al Khansa herself once recited.
Although social media can be harmful to our mental health, paradoxically, one of the antidotes comes with the many social-media accounts devoted to normalising mental-health struggles. With Hope UAE is one of them.
The group, which has about 3,600 followers, was started three years ago by five Emirati women to address the stigma surrounding the subject. Via Instagram, the group recently began featuring personal accounts by Emiratis. The posts are written under the hashtag #mymindmatters, along with a black-and-white photo of the subject holding the group’s signature red balloon.
“Depression is ugly,” says one of the users, Amani. “It paints everything around me and everything in me.”
Saaed, meanwhile, faces the daunting task of caring for four family members with psychological disorders. “I’ve had no support and no resources here to help me,” he says. “It has been, and still is, a one-man battle against the demons of fractured minds.”
In addition to With Hope UAE’s frank social-media presence, the group holds talks and workshops in Dubai. “Change takes time,” Reem Al Ali, vice chairman and a founding member of With Hope UAE, told The National earlier this year. “It won’t happen overnight, and it will take persistent and passionate people to bring about this change.”
The specs
Engine: 2.5-litre, turbocharged 5-cylinder
Transmission: seven-speed auto
Power: 400hp
Torque: 500Nm
Price: Dh300,000 (estimate)
On sale: 2022
