Given its size and complexity, the Indian republic’s longevity has been underpinned by a number of factors, none more important than its federal design. It has a strong centre in New Delhi, with significant powers apportioned to its 28 states, most of which have been created along cultural and linguistic lines. A balance of power has ensured centre-state harmony and, in turn, a robust union.
Lately, however, centre-state relations have been less than harmonious.
This isn’t unusual or unprecedented. When one political party dominates the central legislature in a parliamentary democracy such as India’s, the executive tends to become all-conquering – particularly when it is headed by a charismatic figure. National electoral successes for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014 and 2019 have given their leader, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the kind of untrammelled power not accorded to a chief executive since Indira Gandhi and her Congress party ran the country in the 1970s.
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In the face of a weak opposition at the centre, many state governments are becoming increasingly assertive. Ordinarily, this assertiveness serves as a necessary counterbalance in a country as diverse as India’s – particularly as the BJP is a deeply ideological party, with its emphasis on Hindu cultural prominence distinct from the nation’s secular and civic nationalist ethos. However, moves of the kinds made by some states in recent weeks will only weaken the foundations that have, for almost 75 years of India’s post-colonial history, kept the union together.
To understand why India’s states are feeling insecure, a recent development in Delhi is instructive.
One of India’s largest urban agglomerations, Delhi is, administratively speaking, a quasi-state. This means that its government – which does not cover the National Capital Territory of New Delhi – has more powers than those running other cities (such as Mumbai), but has less oversight than those running other states (such as Kerala). Until recently, the Delhi state government could decide on all matters – to the extent that state governments can – except regarding land, police and public order. Those come under the purview of the national government’s Home Ministry.
This arrangement was significantly altered last month, when a law passed in Parliament made it mandatory for the Delhi state government to seek approvals from the lieutenant governor – the constitutional head of the city-state who is appointed by the aforementioned Home Ministry – before any action it takes.
Critics view this law as a political tool with which to curtail the powers of Delhi’s popular government, run by the up-and-coming Aam Aadmi Party, thereby making it near-impossible for it to keep its electoral promises. This ploy, critics say, is meant to help the BJP make a case for itself during the next state election in 2025. BJP leaders insist the law is aimed at improving administrative efficiency and ending the perennial confusion over who runs the city.
Cynical ploy or not, the move nonetheless amounts to scaling back a state government’s powers and undermining the people’s vote. In Delhi, the buck will no longer stop with the elected chief minister but with the unelected lieutenant governor.
The capital’s voters are not the only ones feeling vulnerable. The territories of Puducherry, Jammu-Kashmir and Ladakh have all been brought under the centre’s thumb in recent times, under different pretexts. That a united Jammu and Kashmir was, until August 2019, an autonomous entity with special rights – leave alone a state – has alarmed democracy activists, federalists and even large portions of the electorate living in states with distinct cultures and identities.
Some state governments have struck out.
Last month, the Haryana legislature passed a law directing employers to reserve 75 per cent of jobs that pay a gross monthly salary of up to 50,000 rupees (almost $700) for locals. The law, meant to assuage the state’s large but increasingly disenfranchised Jat population, is problematic. For one, reservations are almost certain to drive jobs out of the state. Moreover, the provisions allowing employers to apply for exemptions will only increase red tape and corruption.
But the law’s worst possible outcome is that it could fan the flames of nativism. It is one thing for a country to restrict the inflow of migrants from other countries, it is entirely another for states to do so vis-a-vis migrants from other states within the same union.
The law will almost certainly be challenged in court. However, the fact several other states – including those being run by the BJP – are considering similar legislation points to a distressing trend. For all of Mr Modi’s successes over the years in unifying the country’s myriad vote banks by appealing to their economic aspirations, the issue of identity cannot easily be done away with. Like the Jats of Haryana, many groups across the country are beginning to reassert themselves – and with all politics being local, states are taking steps that are not only retrograde but perhaps even unconstitutional.
In one case, overzealous legislation could even threaten national security.
The Bihar legislature recently passed a law handing extra-constitutional powers to its military police. Seen by critics as a political tool to arrest and jail opposition leaders without warrants or judicial oversight, the law essentially allows the police to act with impunity so long as it can justify that it is protecting the interests of the state. Fears it could even engage in a crossfire with armed police of other states are not unwarranted. Just last year, India's Home Ministry sent its Border Security Force to secure the disputed areas along the border between the states of Assam and Mizoram. This followed days-long violent clashes, the Mizoram police’s alleged occupation of some areas and the Assam government’s imposition of an economic boycott.
Such developments prompt unwelcome echoes of the past, when large swathes of India’s territory were ridden with violent separatist movements. Since the 1980s though, successive Indian governments, including Mr Modi’s, have integrated the country politically through peaceful means. And since liberalising its economy in 1991, the country has moved towards fiscal and economic integration that culminated, five years ago, in the Modi government’s introduction of the pan-Indian Goods and Services Tax regime.
India, it is said, is an accidental nation, for it is a continental-size country with a multitude of identities. Be that as it may, it has taken plenty of work to keep the union intact for over seven decades. Whether it is the centre impinging on state rights, or states reserving jobs for locals and giving unbridled powers to their police, such steps undermine that good work. They might even unleash the centrifugal forces that, upon gaining momentum, pull the union apart.
As it is, the country wrestles with other challenges: a creeping majoritarianism and a corresponding rise in insecurity among religious minorities; a relentless crackdown on civil liberties; and, more recently, attempts by regulators to police the internet. It can do without a discord within the state.
In the spirit of co-operative federalism, a feature Mr Modi himself has often touted, it is time for the centre and the states to come together and nip their tensions in the bud.
Chitrabhanu Kadalayil is an assistant comment editor at The National
UPI facts
More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023
More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE
Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems
Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions
Age 26
Born May 17, 1991
Height 1.80 metres
Birthplace Sydney, Australia
Residence Eastbourne, England
Plays Right-handed
WTA titles 3
Prize money US$5,761,870 (Dh21,162,343.75)
Wins / losses 312 / 181
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
Financial considerations before buying a property
Buyers should try to pay as much in cash as possible for a property, limiting the mortgage value to as little as they can afford. This means they not only pay less in interest but their monthly costs are also reduced. Ideally, the monthly mortgage payment should not exceed 20 per cent of the purchaser’s total household income, says Carol Glynn, founder of Conscious Finance Coaching.
“If it’s a rental property, plan for the property to have periods when it does not have a tenant. Ensure you have enough cash set aside to pay the mortgage and other costs during these periods, ideally at least six months,” she says.
Also, shop around for the best mortgage interest rate. Understand the terms and conditions, especially what happens after any introductory periods, Ms Glynn adds.
Using a good mortgage broker is worth the investment to obtain the best rate available for a buyer’s needs and circumstances. A good mortgage broker will help the buyer understand the terms and conditions of the mortgage and make the purchasing process efficient and easier.
The%20specs
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Our legal advisor
Ahmad El Sayed is Senior Associate at Charles Russell Speechlys, a law firm headquartered in London with offices in the UK, Europe, the Middle East and Hong Kong.
Experience: Commercial litigator who has assisted clients with overseas judgments before UAE courts. His specialties are cases related to banking, real estate, shareholder disputes, company liquidations and criminal matters as well as employment related litigation.
Education: Sagesse University, Beirut, Lebanon, in 2005.
The specs
Engine: 3.0-litre six-cylinder turbo
Power: 398hp from 5,250rpm
Torque: 580Nm at 1,900-4,800rpm
Transmission: Eight-speed auto
Fuel economy, combined: 6.5L/100km
On sale: December
Price: From Dh330,000 (estimate)
What can victims do?
Always use only regulated platforms
Stop all transactions and communication on suspicion
Save all evidence (screenshots, chat logs, transaction IDs)
Report to local authorities
Warn others to prevent further harm
Courtesy: Crystal Intelligence
UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Tips to stay safe during hot weather
- Stay hydrated: Drink plenty of fluids, especially water. Avoid alcohol and caffeine, which can increase dehydration.
- Seek cool environments: Use air conditioning, fans, or visit community spaces with climate control.
- Limit outdoor activities: Avoid strenuous activity during peak heat. If outside, seek shade and wear a wide-brimmed hat.
- Dress appropriately: Wear lightweight, loose and light-coloured clothing to facilitate heat loss.
- Check on vulnerable people: Regularly check in on elderly neighbours, young children and those with health conditions.
- Home adaptations: Use blinds or curtains to block sunlight, avoid using ovens or stoves, and ventilate living spaces during cooler hours.
- Recognise heat illness: Learn the signs of heat exhaustion and heat stroke (dizziness, confusion, rapid pulse, nausea), and seek medical attention if symptoms occur.
Company profile
Date started: 2015
Founder: John Tsioris and Ioanna Angelidaki
Based: Dubai
Sector: Online grocery delivery
Staff: 200
Funding: Undisclosed, but investors include the Jabbar Internet Group and Venture Friends
Schedule:
Friday, January 12: Six fourball matches
Saturday, January 13: Six foursome (alternate shot) matches
Sunday, January 14: 12 singles
How to apply for a drone permit
- Individuals must register on UAE Drone app or website using their UAE Pass
- Add all their personal details, including name, nationality, passport number, Emiratis ID, email and phone number
- Upload the training certificate from a centre accredited by the GCAA
- Submit their request
What are the regulations?
- Fly it within visual line of sight
- Never over populated areas
- Ensure maximum flying height of 400 feet (122 metres) above ground level is not crossed
- Users must avoid flying over restricted areas listed on the UAE Drone app
- Only fly the drone during the day, and never at night
- Should have a live feed of the drone flight
- Drones must weigh 5 kg or less
Conflict, drought, famine
Estimates of the number of deaths caused by the famine range from 400,000 to 1 million, according to a document prepared for the UK House of Lords in 2024.
It has been claimed that the policies of the Ethiopian government, which took control after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie in a military-led revolution in 1974, contributed to the scale of the famine.
Dr Miriam Bradley, senior lecturer in humanitarian studies at the University of Manchester, has argued that, by the early 1980s, “several government policies combined to cause, rather than prevent, a famine which lasted from 1983 to 1985. Mengistu’s government imposed Stalinist-model agricultural policies involving forced collectivisation and villagisation [relocation of communities into planned villages].
The West became aware of the catastrophe through a series of BBC News reports by journalist Michael Buerk in October 1984 describing a “biblical famine” and containing graphic images of thousands of people, including children, facing starvation.
Band Aid
Bob Geldof, singer with the Irish rock group The Boomtown Rats, formed Band Aid in response to the horrific images shown in the news broadcasts.
With Midge Ure of the band Ultravox, he wrote the hit charity single Do They Know it’s Christmas in December 1984, featuring a string of high-profile musicians.
Following the single’s success, the idea to stage a rock concert evolved.
Live Aid was a series of simultaneous concerts that took place at Wembley Stadium in London, John F Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, the US, and at various other venues across the world.
The combined event was broadcast to an estimated worldwide audience of 1.5 billion.
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
'How To Build A Boat'
Jonathan Gornall, Simon & Schuster
Explainer: Tanween Design Programme
Non-profit arts studio Tashkeel launched this annual initiative with the intention of supporting budding designers in the UAE. This year, three talents were chosen from hundreds of applicants to be a part of the sixth creative development programme. These are architect Abdulla Al Mulla, interior designer Lana El Samman and graphic designer Yara Habib.
The trio have been guided by experts from the industry over the course of nine months, as they developed their own products that merge their unique styles with traditional elements of Emirati design. This includes laboratory sessions, experimental and collaborative practice, investigation of new business models and evaluation.
It is led by British contemporary design project specialist Helen Voce and mentor Kevin Badni, and offers participants access to experts from across the world, including the likes of UK designer Gareth Neal and multidisciplinary designer and entrepreneur, Sheikh Salem Al Qassimi.
The final pieces are being revealed in a worldwide limited-edition release on the first day of Downtown Designs at Dubai Design Week 2019. Tashkeel will be at stand E31 at the exhibition.
Lisa Ball-Lechgar, deputy director of Tashkeel, said: “The diversity and calibre of the applicants this year … is reflective of the dynamic change that the UAE art and design industry is witnessing, with young creators resolute in making their bold design ideas a reality.”
Why it pays to compare
A comparison of sending Dh20,000 from the UAE using two different routes at the same time - the first direct from a UAE bank to a bank in Germany, and the second from the same UAE bank via an online platform to Germany - found key differences in cost and speed. The transfers were both initiated on January 30.
Route 1: bank transfer
The UAE bank charged Dh152.25 for the Dh20,000 transfer. On top of that, their exchange rate margin added a difference of around Dh415, compared with the mid-market rate.
Total cost: Dh567.25 - around 2.9 per cent of the total amount
Total received: €4,670.30
Route 2: online platform
The UAE bank’s charge for sending Dh20,000 to a UK dirham-denominated account was Dh2.10. The exchange rate margin cost was Dh60, plus a Dh12 fee.
Total cost: Dh74.10, around 0.4 per cent of the transaction
Total received: €4,756
The UAE bank transfer was far quicker – around two to three working days, while the online platform took around four to five days, but was considerably cheaper. In the online platform transfer, the funds were also exposed to currency risk during the period it took for them to arrive.
KILLING OF QASSEM SULEIMANI
