Last Monday unidentified gunmen assassinated Husham Al Hashimi outside his home in Baghdad. The tragic loss of the most prolific expert on radical and armed groups and adviser to the Iraqi government is a massive blow to the country's academic, social and security realms. Few are spared the wrath of violent armed groups, whether non-state or state-sanctioned.
The world lost a historian who documented ISIS and the various extremist groups that preceded it. Most, if not all, literature on these topics extensively source Al Hashimi’s works and analyses. Iraq lost a sociologist who understood and embraced his country’s complexities. A family lost a loving husband, father, brother and uncle. Many of us lost a good friend.
Aristotle once said: “A friend to all is a friend to none." Had he known Al Hashimi, he might have paused. If there was one thing Al Hashimi rejected, it was any ideology that would push human beings to kill another. Take away the violence, and Al Hashimi made friends with anyone whatever their world view.
Iraq is a country where people of diverse backgrounds and thinking exist, many of them even at odds with one another. To Al Hashimi, most Iraqis found themselves in a vast space that rejected two fringe and extreme but influential ideologies. One ideology calls for an Islamic State and the return of the Caliph, the other aims for an Islamic revolution that places states under the influence of a supreme leader. Both ideologies, however, espouse violence.
Al Hashimi believed that the vast majority of Iraqis did not subscribe to either world view. If he determined that an individual did not aim to physically harm a fellow citizen – whether they aspired for a conservative, Salafist-leaning lifestyle, or advocated on behalf of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps – the angry rhetoric and sometimes empty threats faded into soundbites.
In Al Hashimi’s view, listening to and befriending people of all stripes, and reconciling quarreling groups were the only ways to defeat extremists at both ends of Iraq’s unique political and identity spectrum. Perhaps he was on to something. It is important to note that in the aftermath of his killing, only two groups of people rejoiced: those who were aligned with the IRGC-backed militias, the prime suspects behind his murder, and ISIS.
Read More about Husham Al Hashimi
Al Hashimi was of the firm belief that everyone was redeemable. He lived by it. Perhaps he was projecting the swirling dynamics of his own life's trajectory onto a people that have borne the trauma of conflict since the conception of their nation. He found his greatest joy in reconciliation, and that is what he spent a significant amount of his final years doing. He helped turn foes into friends and paved the way for a more unified stance in tackling the many challenges facing the country.
Al Hashimi was not the enemy of the state. He was an outspoken critic of corruption and of kleptocracy, but he believed in gradual reform from within the system. Over the past six years he served as a security adviser to Iraqi President Barham Salih. He engaged with the US Central Command stationed in the country, as well as leaders of the various militias, especially when the threat of ISIS foreshadowed all other problems.
His in-depth knowledge of the inner organisation of ISIS was instrumental in breaking down the group’s code and blueprint. When the group lost its territorial control, he wasted little time in warning about an imminent underground resurgence if Baghdad failed to seize the opportunity provided by victory.
Another threat, meanwhile, was looming: the growing pains of the hastily formed Popular Mobilisation Units, an Iranian-backed umbrella group of militias. The impunity of some factions within the PMF to commit human rights violations worried Al Hashimi. Living in Baghdad amid their increasingly reckless behaviour warranted caution, and he balanced criticism with sound advice in his dealings with these groups.
There was one occasion when he abandoned his cautious approach.
This was during the anti-government protests last October. He could not conceal his heartbreak following the loss of young lives in their hundreds. He grew more critical of government orders to crack down on the unarmed protesters while trying to mediate between the activists and the few “adults” in Iraq's decision-making rooms.
Al Hashimi was not an enemy of the state. He was an outspoken critic of corruption and of kleptocracy, but he believed in reform from within the system
It was also during these protests that he gave us a glimpse of his empathetic side. He spent hours observing the discourse between protesters on social media. He praised their bravery but warned them via direct messages against making fiery statements that might endanger their own lives.
“People in Tahrir Square are broken today. Though hundreds died here, it is like the killing of this one man has casted an unparalleled gloominess. All hope died with Hisham," said a friend, who recently visited the famous protest venue where large posters of Al Hashimi have been pasted on walls and tents.
A week after his assassination, more people are sharing their moments with him. “How did he make time for all of us?,” journalist Alison Meuse remarked. It is true. Al Hashimi never left a message unattended to or a question unanswered. Neither did he ever turn away someone in need of advice or simply an ear. He had a brilliant mind but also a gentle soul and a down-to-earth attitude – a rarity in the often egotistical environment of security analysts and experts.
Al Hashimi left behind a treasure trove of writings that will no doubt shed light on some of Iraq and the region’s most pressing security concerns. Much of his works have yet to be published or translated. Friends and colleagues have pledged to make his papers and books accessible to larger audiences who did not get to know him.
He also leaves us with memories – of moments of gushing laughter while talking about Iraq’s many ironies, its complicated social compacts, and even its delicious cuisines. There was never a dull moment with Al Hashimi. Perhaps the most vital lesson worth striving to learn is his unmatched ability to listen, understand, forgive and befriend. In his book, even those who seemed hopeless deserved a chance.
In 2016, during the height of anguish and confusion following ISIS taking control of Mosul, my hometown, a Baghdad-based journalist posted on Facebook that the only way to save Iraq was by bombing the city with chemical weapons. He specifically mentioned children, describing them as ticking time-bombs and viruses were they to be brainwashed by the terror group into taking up their violence cause. I did not take kindly to the post. I was also upset that Al Hashimi reached out to the journalist instead of publicly scorning him. His response to my discontent was: “He is hurt and confused. Words are only words. Talk to him. He would never accept killing civilians, Rasha. Befriend him."
Al Hashimi presumed the best in others, even actively seeking it out of them. Only time will tell if that was a blessing or a curse.
Rasha Al Aqeedi is the editor-in-charge of Irfaa Sawtak
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
Gothia Cup 2025
4,872 matches
1,942 teams
116 pitches
76 nations
26 UAE teams
15 Lebanese teams
2 Kuwaiti teams
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Key facilities
- Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
- Premier League-standard football pitch
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- An elevated football field that doubles as a helipad
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Killing of Qassem Suleimani
McIlroy's recent struggles
Last six stroke-play events (First round score in brackets)
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Irish Open Missed the cut (72)
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The flights: South African Airways flies from Dubai International Airport with a stop in Johannesburg, with prices starting from around Dh4,000 return. Emirates can get you there with a stop in Lusaka from around Dh4,600 return.
The details: Visas are available for 247 Zambian kwacha or US$20 (Dh73) per person on arrival at Livingstone Airport. Single entry into Victoria Falls for international visitors costs 371 kwacha or $30 (Dh110). Microlight flights are available through Batoka Sky, with 15-minute flights costing 2,265 kwacha (Dh680).
Accommodation: The Royal Livingstone Victoria Falls Hotel by Anantara is an ideal place to stay, within walking distance of the falls and right on the Zambezi River. Rooms here start from 6,635 kwacha (Dh2,398) per night, including breakfast, taxes and Wi-Fi. Water arrivals cost from 587 kwacha (Dh212) per person.
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The flights Fly Dubai, Air Arabia, Emirates, Etihad, and Royal Jordanian all offer direct, three-and-a-half-hour flights from the UAE to the Jordanian capital Amman. Alternatively, from June Fly Dubai will offer a new direct service from Dubai to Aqaba in the south of the country. See the airlines’ respective sites for varying prices or search on reliable price-comparison site Skyscanner.
The trip
Jamie Lafferty was a guest of the Jordan Tourist Board. For more information on adventure tourism in Jordan see Visit Jordan. A number of new and established tour companies offer the chance to go caving, rock-climbing, canyoning, and mountaineering in Jordan. Prices vary depending on how many activities you want to do and how many days you plan to stay in the country. Among the leaders are Terhaal, who offer a two-day canyoning trip from Dh845 per person. If you really want to push your limits, contact the Stronger Team. For a more trek-focused trip, KE Adventure offers an eight-day trip from Dh5,300 per person.
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Killing of Qassem Suleimani
If you go
The flights Etihad (www.etihad.com) and Spice Jet (www.spicejet.com) fly direct from Abu Dhabi and Dubai to Pune respectively from Dh1,000 return including taxes. Pune airport is 90 minutes away by road.
The hotels A stay at Atmantan Wellness Resort (www.atmantan.com) costs from Rs24,000 (Dh1,235) per night, including taxes, consultations, meals and a treatment package.
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Saturday
Tottenham Hotspur 1 Arsenal 1
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Transplants from the deceased have been carried out in hospitals across the globe for decades, but in some countries in the Middle East, including the UAE, the practise was banned until relatively recently.
Opinion has been divided as to whether organ donations from a deceased person is permissible in Islam.
The body is viewed as sacred, during and after death, thus prohibiting cremation and tattoos.
One school of thought viewed the removal of organs after death as equally impermissible.
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