More than three decades ago, not long after the constitutional amendments included in the Taif Accord were approved by the Lebanese Parliament, a centre focused on peace and reconstruction in Lebanon organised a seminar in Washington to discuss the country’s future. One of the participants was Nawaf Salam. While Mr Salam supported Taif, he made astute observations about the problems he saw looming in its implementation.
Now, years later, Mr Salam is hitting up against Taif’s shortcomings – or to be more accurate, against the obstacles and improvisations that have been consciously imposed on a constitutional accord that was hijacked by Lebanon’s political class since its inception and emptied of all meaning. What is in place is no longer a summation of various valid reform proposals first enunciated in 1976, during Lebanon’s civil war, but a mishmash of innovations that has turned the post-Taif constitution into a monster.
As Mr Salam, Lebanon’s prime minister-designate, struggles to put together a government, he is having to deal with the demands and criticism of all parties, in a political system now defined by a division of the spoils among the country’s political factions. Many of these factions claim to oppose the political spoils system that has bankrupted and impaired Lebanon, but all of them insist on their right to secure a share of the pie.
This situation has ensured that Lebanon is incapable of truly progressing. The country is a prisoner of a systemic form of dysfunction, and the only way out is to replace Taif, or rather this ghastly version of Taif, with something else. Ironically, such a process must begin by going back to the original agreement itself and using it as a basis to start anew.
The most significant dimension of Taif that was never implemented was the accord’s call for the deconfessionalisation of politics. Instead, what replaced it was a political system that, on the contrary, came to hyper-fortify sectarianism, distributing everything in the state according to religious sect, and inventing new sectarian practices with no basis in the Constitution, making the system ungovernable.
As agreed in 1989, Taif accompanied the call for political deconfessionalisation with steps designed to reassure the Christian minority, which had lost the most in Taif. The Maronite Christian presidency saw many of its powers reduced, but to compensate for this, those negotiating Taif inserted a section on administrative decentralisation, giving Christians (and all communities) more latitude to run their own affairs.
At the same time, in order to partially offset removing sectarian quotas from Parliament, the parliamentarians in Taif agreed to establish a senate “in which all religious communities shall be represented”, and whose authority “shall be limited to major national issues”. The terminology was vague, but the idea behind it was not: when it came to fundamental issues, all communities would have an equal voice.
If Lebanon removes the albatross of sectarian representation, it will, presumably, be easier to open the door to better-qualified people in government, since the sectarian parties will no longer be able to use sect as justification to place their partisans in positions of authority. At the same time, if more powers are devolved to the different regions, there is likely to be greater accountability because local decisions will address everyday issues, on which voters are more liable to react at election time.
Taif mentioned broad administrative decentralisation, but not specifically financial decentralisation. This has to be changed. There is no point in handing powers to local or regional representative bodies if funds generated locally or regionally are not spent in those localities. This has long been a demand within the Christian community, and President Joseph Aoun’s call for a broad form of decentralisation in his inaugural address may mean he intends to encompass financial decentralisation.
Equally important in the current Lebanese context is the need to end the so-called Shiite exception that has contributed to many of the unconstitutional fabrications that have crippled Taif. The reason for this is that Hezbollah and its ally the Amal Movement, which is headed by Speaker Nabih Berri, have often imposed unjustified interpretations of the Constitution in order to protect their political interests.
A leading aim of Hezbollah has been retaining its weapons, against the will of a vast majority of Lebanese. This has created an abnormal situation in which one dominant party, and by extension the community it represents, has retained the power to intimidate. But this has also generated a paradoxical sense of insecurity among supporters of Hezbollah and Amal. Without weapons, they believe, the Shiite community may be decisively weakened.
Hezbollah’s losses in the war with Israel, like the Bashar Al Assad government’s downfall in Syria, have heightened such a sense of vulnerability. In this context, deconfessionalisation of the political system could expand Shiite representation, reassuring the community. But this cannot occur before Hezbollah disarms, which is why any change in the political system must take place in parallel with an understanding with the Shiite community on Hezbollah’s arms.
Lebanon’s political system, as it stands today, is simply not working anymore, and it’s certainly not reinforcing a sense of national harmony and co-existence. Taif had many problems, but also, ironically, offers a path out of the impasses its misinterpretation has created. That’s why the accord must be revisited and expanded if Lebanon is to have a chance of becoming a functional country, and not remain a failing state.
Conflict, drought, famine
Estimates of the number of deaths caused by the famine range from 400,000 to 1 million, according to a document prepared for the UK House of Lords in 2024.
It has been claimed that the policies of the Ethiopian government, which took control after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie in a military-led revolution in 1974, contributed to the scale of the famine.
Dr Miriam Bradley, senior lecturer in humanitarian studies at the University of Manchester, has argued that, by the early 1980s, “several government policies combined to cause, rather than prevent, a famine which lasted from 1983 to 1985. Mengistu’s government imposed Stalinist-model agricultural policies involving forced collectivisation and villagisation [relocation of communities into planned villages].
The West became aware of the catastrophe through a series of BBC News reports by journalist Michael Buerk in October 1984 describing a “biblical famine” and containing graphic images of thousands of people, including children, facing starvation.
Band Aid
Bob Geldof, singer with the Irish rock group The Boomtown Rats, formed Band Aid in response to the horrific images shown in the news broadcasts.
With Midge Ure of the band Ultravox, he wrote the hit charity single Do They Know it’s Christmas in December 1984, featuring a string of high-profile musicians.
Following the single’s success, the idea to stage a rock concert evolved.
Live Aid was a series of simultaneous concerts that took place at Wembley Stadium in London, John F Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, the US, and at various other venues across the world.
The combined event was broadcast to an estimated worldwide audience of 1.5 billion.
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The candidates
Dr Ayham Ammora, scientist and business executive
Ali Azeem, business leader
Tony Booth, professor of education
Lord Browne, former BP chief executive
Dr Mohamed El-Erian, economist
Professor Wyn Evans, astrophysicist
Dr Mark Mann, scientist
Gina MIller, anti-Brexit campaigner
Lord Smith, former Cabinet minister
Sandi Toksvig, broadcaster
if you go
The flights
Emirates flies to Delhi with fares starting from around Dh760 return, while Etihad fares cost about Dh783 return. From Delhi, there are connecting flights to Lucknow.
Where to stay
It is advisable to stay in Lucknow and make a day trip to Kannauj. A stay at the Lebua Lucknow hotel, a traditional Lucknowi mansion, is recommended. Prices start from Dh300 per night (excluding taxes).
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UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
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From Zero
Artist: Linkin Park
Label: Warner Records
Number of tracks: 11
Rating: 4/5
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
Specs
Engine: 51.5kW electric motor
Range: 400km
Power: 134bhp
Torque: 175Nm
Price: From Dh98,800
Available: Now
((Disclaimer))
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UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
What is Diwali?
The Hindu festival is at once a celebration of the autumn harvest and the triumph of good over evil, as outlined in the Ramayana.
According to the Sanskrit epic, penned by the sage Valmiki, Diwali marks the time that the exiled king Rama – a mortal with superhuman powers – returned home to the city of Ayodhya with his wife Sita and brother Lakshman, after vanquishing the 10-headed demon Ravana and conquering his kingdom of Lanka. The people of Ayodhya are believed to have lit thousands of earthen lamps to illuminate the city and to guide the royal family home.
In its current iteration, Diwali is celebrated with a puja to welcome the goodness of prosperity Lakshmi (an incarnation of Sita) into the home, which is decorated with diyas (oil lamps) or fairy lights and rangoli designs with coloured powder. Fireworks light up the sky in some parts of the word, and sweetmeats are made (or bought) by most households. It is customary to get new clothes stitched, and visit friends and family to exchange gifts and greetings.
Mia Man’s tips for fermentation
- Start with a simple recipe such as yogurt or sauerkraut
- Keep your hands and kitchen tools clean. Sanitize knives, cutting boards, tongs and storage jars with boiling water before you start.
- Mold is bad: the colour pink is a sign of mold. If yogurt turns pink as it ferments, you need to discard it and start again. For kraut, if you remove the top leaves and see any sign of mold, you should discard the batch.
- Always use clean, closed, airtight lids and containers such as mason jars when fermenting yogurt and kraut. Keep the lid closed to prevent insects and contaminants from getting in.
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
Dr Afridi's warning signs of digital addiction
Spending an excessive amount of time on the phone.
Neglecting personal, social, or academic responsibilities.
Losing interest in other activities or hobbies that were once enjoyed.
Having withdrawal symptoms like feeling anxious, restless, or upset when the technology is not available.
Experiencing sleep disturbances or changes in sleep patterns.
What are the guidelines?
Under 18 months: Avoid screen time altogether, except for video chatting with family.
Aged 18-24 months: If screens are introduced, it should be high-quality content watched with a caregiver to help the child understand what they are seeing.
Aged 2-5 years: Limit to one-hour per day of high-quality programming, with co-viewing whenever possible.
Aged 6-12 years: Set consistent limits on screen time to ensure it does not interfere with sleep, physical activity, or social interactions.
Teenagers: Encourage a balanced approach – screens should not replace sleep, exercise, or face-to-face socialisation.
Source: American Paediatric Association
UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
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%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3ECompany%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Vault%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EStarted%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EJune%202023%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3ECo-founders%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EBilal%20Abou-Diab%20and%20Sami%20Abdul%20Hadi%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EBased%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EAbu%20Dhabi%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3ELicensed%20by%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Abu%20Dhabi%20Global%20Market%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EIndustry%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EInvestment%20and%20wealth%20advisory%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EFunding%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3E%241%20million%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EInvestors%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EOutliers%20VC%20and%20angel%20investors%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3ENumber%20of%20employees%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3E14%3Cbr%3E%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
The specs
Engine: 2.0-litre 4-cylturbo
Transmission: seven-speed DSG automatic
Power: 242bhp
Torque: 370Nm
Price: Dh136,814
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Killing of Qassem Suleimani
Sheikh Zayed's poem
When it is unveiled at Abu Dhabi Art, the Standing Tall exhibition will appear as an interplay of poetry and art. The 100 scarves are 100 fragments surrounding five, figurative, female sculptures, and both sculptures and scarves are hand-embroidered by a group of refugee women artisans, who used the Palestinian cross-stitch embroidery art of tatreez. Fragments of Sheikh Zayed’s poem Your Love is Ruling My Heart, written in Arabic as a love poem to his nation, are embroidered onto both the sculptures and the scarves. Here is the English translation.
Your love is ruling over my heart
Your love is ruling over my heart, even a mountain can’t bear all of it
Woe for my heart of such a love, if it befell it and made it its home
You came on me like a gleaming sun, you are the cure for my soul of its sickness
Be lenient on me, oh tender one, and have mercy on who because of you is in ruins
You are like the Ajeed Al-reem [leader of the gazelle herd] for my country, the source of all of its knowledge
You waddle even when you stand still, with feet white like the blooming of the dates of the palm
Oh, who wishes to deprive me of sleep, the night has ended and I still have not seen you
You are the cure for my sickness and my support, you dried my throat up let me go and damp it
Help me, oh children of mine, for in his love my life will pass me by.
Key facilities
- Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
- Premier League-standard football pitch
- 400m Olympic running track
- NBA-spec basketball court with auditorium
- 600-seat auditorium
- Spaces for historical and cultural exploration
- An elevated football field that doubles as a helipad
- Specialist robotics and science laboratories
- AR and VR-enabled learning centres
- Disruption Lab and Research Centre for developing entrepreneurial skills
