Dr Anwar Mhajne is a political scientist and assistant professor at Stonehill College
March 22, 2024
What does it mean to be a Palestinian citizen of Israel since October 7? For me, as a Palestinian-Israeli professor working in the heated environment of academia in the US, it has meant many people – Americans, Palestinians, non-Palestinians, Jewish people and Israelis – feeling suddenly entitled to question aspects of my identity. My Palestinian identity and heritage, as well as my dedication to advocating for justice and equality for Palestinians, have been scrutinised and questioned.
I have even been labelled a disgrace, both in person and online, because I dared to challenge the effectiveness and morality of Hamas's methods. How could I not? I have watched numerous videos and recordings of the events that transpired on October 7. When, in a recent discussion in class on the topic of violence versus non-violence, I pushed back on the effectiveness of violence, a student shouted at me, insisting that I should not identify as Palestinian. This occurred even after I outlined the ramifications of the occupation and the historical injustices Palestinians have endured for decades.
At the same time, my Israeli citizenship and my commitment to nonviolent resistance have been questioned by many pro-Israel activists because I continue to criticise Israel's actions and policies in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as the crimes it is perpetrating in Gaza, and advocate for Palestinian rights to equality and justice. Any support for a ceasefire is labelled by these critics as support for Hamas and thus support for terrorism.
Palestinian citizens of Israel like me have long had to navigate multiple positionalities and identities, as well as violence. That reality was underscored on October 7.
Some of us experienced that day with a tremendous amount of anguish and sadness because we knew someone Jewish or Arab who was killed or taken hostage. Some of us saw the impact on members of the Negev Bedouin Arab community, who were quickly forgotten and marginalised. One of the videos recorded that day was of Fatma Abu Arrar, a mother of nine children under the age of nine, who was shot to death by Hamas fighters on motorcycles while she was driving her husband, Hamid, to work. Hamid managed to rescue their eight-month-old baby and hide with him for five hours in a secluded communication box, behind which more Hamas fighters waited to ambush Israeli soldiers. In a split-second decision, he removed his shirt and ran towards the Israeli troops, drawing fire towards himself. He survived, managing to save his son and warn the soldiers. This story is not an outlier; we saw how four Bedouin men from the city of Rahat risked their lives to save dozens of civilians from the October 7 massacres at the Re’im music festival and Kibbutz Be’er.
There is also the harrowing story of Suhaib Razem, a 22-year-old Arab resident of Beit Hanina in East Jerusalem, who was driving attendees to the festival before he went missing. During a search to find his body, Hamas fighters who had taken Suhaib’s phone rang his brother Abed and claimed Suhaib was with them. "When I approached the police to file a complaint about my brother's abduction,” Abed recalled, “the officer callously responded, 'Go to Hamas and ask them to return your brother’." Suhaib’s charred body was discovered in the festival area after 10 days. While his family planned his funeral, messages circulated in Jewish-Israeli WhatsApp groups warning against granting him a proper burial and accusing him of being a terrorist.
Rights groups complain that Arab citizens have long suffered from discrimination in Israel. EPA
Suhaib’s Palestinian identity didn’t help him against Hamas, and his Israeli citizenship didn't help his brother with the Israeli state. As Abed put it in an interview later: “No one seems to care about our anguish – not the authorities, nor the members of [Israel’s legislature] the Knesset. No one bothers to inquire about our well-being."
Several Arab citizens of Israel were taken hostage by Hamas on October 7. One, Samar Fouad Talalka, was mistakenly shot dead by Israeli soldiers somewhere around Gaza city. Another, Youssef Ziyadne, apparently remains in captivity with his son Hamza. Youssef’s brother Ali confronted Riyad Mansour, the Palestinian Authority’s ambassador to the UN, about their case this month, saying: “I’m a Muslim just like you. We are both fasting for Ramadan. Why did they kidnap our brethren?”
Mr Mansour replied by saying, “Don’t let them use you,” seemingly in reference to the Israelis. “Don’t let those who kill Palestinians exploit you.”
That story illustrates the profound complexity of the position of this family, which shares historical, religious and ethnic ties with residents of Gaza and the West Bank. Despite these shared bonds, they were targeted by Hamas, adding layers of confusion and grief to an already tragic situation. Furthermore, they were then asked not to demand justice for their loved ones because it might undermine the immense suffering of Gazans, and then accused of being a pawn in Israel's hand. And that is the story of just one Palestinian-Israeli family.
They were asked not to demand justice for loved ones because it might undermine the suffering of Gazans, and then accused of being a pawn in Israel's hand
So many Palestinians in Israel sympathise deeply with the experiences of all Palestinians. It is hard to grapple with the violence of the Nakba that affected all of us being repeated when seeing the videos of Gazans fleeing from the North to the South. One Israeli minister indeed referred to it proudly as “Nakba 2023”.
So many Palestinians in Israel also grieve for the death of every single child in Gaza and the starvation of an entire population. But for months many of us have had to do it in silence due to fear of repercussions from Israel’s police, and a backlash in the Israeli universities and workplaces we attend. In October, Israel Police chief Kobi Shabtai said: “Whoever wants to be a citizen of Israel, ‘ahalan wasahlan’ (Arabic for ‘welcome’). Anyone who wants to identify with Gaza is welcome — I’ll put them on buses that will send them there. I’ll help them get there.”
Protests in support of Palestinians were effectively barred until this month. Some Israeli universities, colleges and student unions have colluded with authorities to suppress Arab students’ right to expression. More than 100 Arab students have been referred to obedience committees in various higher education institutions because of their views.
It is crucial to recognise, however, that while these experiences are undeniably significant, they pale in comparison to the immense suffering endured by Palestinians in Gaza. The disparity in suffering between Palestinian citizens of Israel and those in Gaza is stark and undeniable. While Palestinian citizens of Israel grapple with discrimination, marginalisation and the constant threat of violence, their counterparts in Gaza face the relentless onslaught of military aggression, economic deprivation and starvation. The devastating impact of bombings, blockades and displacement has inflicted immeasurable harm on Gaza's civilian population, leaving thousands dead, injured or displaced, and exacerbating already dire living conditions.
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Why it pays to compare
A comparison of sending Dh20,000 from the UAE using two different routes at the same time - the first direct from a UAE bank to a bank in Germany, and the second from the same UAE bank via an online platform to Germany - found key differences in cost and speed. The transfers were both initiated on January 30.
Route 1: bank transfer
The UAE bank charged Dh152.25 for the Dh20,000 transfer. On top of that, their exchange rate margin added a difference of around Dh415, compared with the mid-market rate.
Total cost: Dh567.25 - around 2.9 per cent of the total amount
Total received: €4,670.30
Route 2: online platform
The UAE bank’s charge for sending Dh20,000 to a UK dirham-denominated account was Dh2.10. The exchange rate margin cost was Dh60, plus a Dh12 fee.
Total cost: Dh74.10, around 0.4 per cent of the transaction
Total received: €4,756
The UAE bank transfer was far quicker – around two to three working days, while the online platform took around four to five days, but was considerably cheaper. In the online platform transfer, the funds were also exposed to currency risk during the period it took for them to arrive.
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023 More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions
The smuggler
Eldarir had arrived at JFK in January 2020 with three suitcases, containing goods he valued at $300, when he was directed to a search area. Officers found 41 gold artefacts among the bags, including amulets from a funerary set which prepared the deceased for the afterlife. Also found was a cartouche of a Ptolemaic king on a relief that was originally part of a royal building or temple. The largest single group of items found in Eldarir’s cases were 400 shabtis, or figurines.
Khouli conviction
Khouli smuggled items into the US by making false declarations to customs about the country of origin and value of the items. According to Immigration and Customs Enforcement, he provided “false provenances which stated that [two] Egyptian antiquities were part of a collection assembled by Khouli's father in Israel in the 1960s” when in fact “Khouli acquired the Egyptian antiquities from other dealers”. He was sentenced to one year of probation, six months of home confinement and 200 hours of community service in 2012 after admitting buying and smuggling Egyptian antiquities, including coffins, funerary boats and limestone figures.
For sale
A number of other items said to come from the collection of Ezeldeen Taha Eldarir are currently or recently for sale. Their provenance is described in near identical terms as the British Museum shabti: bought from Salahaddin Sirmali, "authenticated and appraised" by Hossen Rashed, then imported to the US in 1948.
- An Egyptian Mummy mask dating from 700BC-30BC, is on offer for £11,807 ($15,275) online by a seller in Mexico
- A coffin lid dating back to 664BC-332BC was offered for sale by a Colorado-based art dealer, with a starting price of $65,000
- A shabti that was on sale through a Chicago-based coin dealer, dating from 1567BC-1085BC, is up for $1,950
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
2002: "Hezbollah supporters feared becoming a target of security services because of the effects of [9/11] ... discussions on Hezbollah policy moved from mosques into smaller circles in private homes." Supporters in Germany: 800
2013: "Financial and logistical support from Germany for Hezbollah in Lebanon supports the armed struggle against Israel ... Hezbollah supporters in Germany hold back from actions that would gain publicity." Supporters in Germany: 950
2023: "It must be reckoned with that Hezbollah will continue to plan terrorist actions outside the Middle East against Israel or Israeli interests." Supporters in Germany: 1,250
Source: Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution
