Supporters of pro-Iran factions gesture in front of a poster bearing an image of killed top Iranian commander Qassem Suleimani, right, and Iraqi commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, in Baghdad's Tahrir square last week. AFP
Supporters of pro-Iran factions gesture in front of a poster bearing an image of killed top Iranian commander Qassem Suleimani, right, and Iraqi commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, in Baghdad's Tahrir square last week. AFP
Supporters of pro-Iran factions gesture in front of a poster bearing an image of killed top Iranian commander Qassem Suleimani, right, and Iraqi commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, in Baghdad's Tahrir sq
Raghida Dergham is the founder and executive chairwoman of the Beirut Institute, and a columnist for The National
January 21, 2024
There are serious societal and political divisions of varying degrees in the US, Iran, Israel and among the Palestinian people, but ideological rigidity seems to be the common denominator – particularly in Israel and Iran.
Israel is sinking deeper into the hole that the far-right government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has dug for it, having rejected the two-state solution even if this runs counter to what Washington has called for. Palestinians, meanwhile, continue to grapple with internal fragmentations between its Islamist and nationalist movements.
The Iranian regime is hawkish as ever. But since the outbreak of the Israel-Gaza war, it has sought a delicate balance, being neither prepared nor willing to have a direct war with Israel. Consequently, it is attempting to realign its proxies across the Middle East with its priorities, reclaiming decisive control over them to contain chaos.
In the US, President Joe Biden’s administration is navigating through all this, particularly with regard to dealing with Israel and Iran, amid a fateful election campaign for the governing Democratic Party.
Mr Biden’s presumptive rival, former president Donald Trump, is squarely focused on domestic affairs and purportedly rejects any involvement in perilous foreign matters. He appears content on letting Mr Biden stumble into foreign policy pitfalls in the run-up to the November vote.
Mr Trump proudly claims that no wars erupted during his presidency. He sees himself as a man of unwavering resolve and one who refuses to succumb to Iranian blackmail. He says he places faith in the efficacy of sanctions over getting embroiled in wars. He also claims to be a master of the “art of the deal”.
US President Joe Biden during his meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last October. Reuters
Netanyahu’s position on the two-state solution amounts to a direct confrontation on his part with Washington
As president in 2020, he presented his vision for a two-state solution, which essentially gave Mr Netanyahu everything he wanted, leaving the Palestinians with only a vague promise of a constrained “state”. That said, he takes pride in brokering the Abraham Accords.
His team opposes engaging with Hamas and is critical of the current administration’s policy of negotiating with Iran and its proxies, even if it is being done through third-party countries.
He does not view restraining Iran from entering a war as a diplomatic achievement for Mr Biden or the region. Instead, he sees danger in backdoor agreements while Tehran buys time to advance its nuclear weapons programme and return to a policy of hegemony, extending its influence through proxies. For the Trump camp, the Biden administration’s reversal by redesignating the Houthis is just one glaring example of the mistakes it has made vis-a-vis the region.
Iran, naturally, views Mr Trump’s return to the White House as a catastrophe. Consequently, it will attempt to collaborate with the Biden team to contain the war in Gaza, prevent its escalation, and not hinder the two-state solution that Washington is working on with the Arab world.
The Israeli government will bide its time, hoping to see Mr Trump back in the White House. But what Mr Netanyahu might not be grasping is that Mr Trump probably recognises the importance of the current phase, with its historical risks and opportunities. The former president isn’t likely to undermine the positive relations he built with America’s Arab allies for the sake of the Israeli Prime Minister’s misguided notions.
Mr Netanyahu’s rejection of the two-state solution, unanimously endorsed and supported by the world and the US, demands a response.
Even as the US and its European allies need to keep the pressure on the Iranian regime over the actions of its proxies, including the Houthis in the Red Sea, they face several choices to rescue Israel from the Netanyahu government and prevent it from dragging the Middle East into a war involving the West.
Palestinian Muhammad Al Durra with his children in the ruins of a house in Rafah where they sheltered on January 11, 2024. EPA
Family and friends at the funerals of journalists Hamza Al Dahdouh and Mustafa Thuraya on January 7, 2024 in Rafah, Gaza. Getty Images
Palestinians mourn relatives killed by Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip outside a mortuary in Khan Younis January 4, 2024. AP Photo
Displaced Palestinians queue to bake bread at a camp in the Muwasi area of Rafah, Gaza Strip, on December 23, 2023. AP Photo
Palestinians queue for food in Rafah, the Gaza Strip, on December 20, 2023. AP Photo
The ruins of Rafah on December 14, 2023. AFP
Palestinians wounded in the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip arrive at a hospital in Khan Younis on December 8, 2023. AP Photo
Palestinians flee Israeli bombing along the Salaheddine Road in the Zeitoun district of Gaza city on November 28, 2023. AFP
A Red Cross vehicle takes Israeli hostages from the Gaza Strip into Egypt in Rafah on November 25, 2023. AP
The ruins of buildings in Gaza city on November 24, 2023, as a temporary truce between Israel and Hamas took effect. AP Photo
A woman and her cat return home to eastern Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip during the first hours of a four-day truce between Israel and Hamas forces on November 24, 2023. AFP
Mourning the dead of Israeli bombardment outside the mortuary at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis on November 14, 2023. AFP
Civilians and rescuers look for survivors in the rubble of a building after Israeli bombing of Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on November 12, 2023. AFP
November 7, 2023, a month to the day after Hamas attacked Israel, a victim of an Israeli bombardment in Rafah is moved from the rubble. AFP
Searching the rubble after Israeli air strikes on the town of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on October 26, 2023. AP Photo
Mourning the Kotz family at their funeral in Gan Yavne, Israel, on October 17, 2023. AP Photo
An Israeli firefighter composes himself after he and his colleagues extinguished cars set on fire by a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip in Ashkelon, Israel, on October 9, 2023. AP Photo
Palestinians with the wreckage of an Israeli tank at the Gaza Strip fence east of the city of Khan Younis on October 7, 2023, the day Hamas forces swept unopposed into Israel. AP Photo
Israeli police officers evacuate a woman and a child from a site hit by a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip, in Ashkelon, southern Israel, on October 7, 2023. AP Photo
The Biden administration has succeeded, so far, in pressuring Israel to not open a war front with Hezbollah in Lebanon. But it is a temporary and transitional measure.
Mr Netanyahu’s position on the two-state solution amounts to a direct confrontation on his part with Washington. This development alters the equation as he steps into the US presidential election arena, convinced that the Jewish vote and financial support will align with Israel’s interests rather than with those of the Democratic Party.
The Prime Minister has gone to the extent of saying that the current conflict is not about the existence of a Palestinian state but that of a Jewish state.
The Biden administration is still attempting to negotiate a transitional agreement with Israel, beginning with reducing the intensity of its operation inside Gaza and the killing of civilians. During this transitional period, arrangements would be made for a deal involving security guarantees in exchange for Israel’s acceptance of a flexible equation for the two-state solution. Some refer to this as the start of yet another “process”, while others see it as wordplay, as required by diplomacy.
The crucial point is that we are still in the dangerous zone of escalations and provocations. It is evident that there are divisions inside both Israel and Iran, with the latter having conducted direct strikes against Iraq, Pakistan and Syria this week.
Both nations are stumbling. Both are searching for a face-saving formula. Both are constrained by their ruling ideologies. But what is noteworthy, and perhaps a saving grace, is that even though both claim to desire the demise of the other, at their core, they cannot, or rather do not, want to make it happen.
There is, of course, no exit from this circle of anxiety just yet. But equally, there is no shift into a terrifying military resolution either.
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.
The advice provided in our columns does not constitute legal advice and is provided for information only. Readers are encouraged to seek independent legal advice.
Founders: Michele Ferrario, Nino Ulsamer and Freddy Lim Started: established in 2016 and launched in July 2017 Based: Singapore, with offices in the UAE, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Thailand Sector: FinTech, wealth management Initial investment: $500,000 in seed round 1 in 2016; $2.2m in seed round 2 in 2017; $5m in series A round in 2018; $12m in series B round in 2019; $16m in series C round in 2020 and $25m in series D round in 2021 Current staff: more than 160 employees Stage: series D Investors: EightRoads Ventures, Square Peg Capital, Sequoia Capital India
Sheikh Dhiyab bin Isa (ruled 1761-1793) Built Qasr Al Hosn as a watchtower to guard over the only freshwater well on Abu Dhabi island.
Sheikh Shakhbut bin Dhiyab (ruled 1793-1816) Expanded the tower into a small fort and transferred his ruling place of residence from Liwa Oasis to the fort on the island.
Sheikh Tahnoon bin Shakhbut (ruled 1818-1833) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further as Abu Dhabi grew from a small village of palm huts to a town of more than 5,000 inhabitants.
Sheikh Khalifa bin Shakhbut (ruled 1833-1845) Repaired and fortified the fort.
Sheikh Saeed bin Tahnoon (ruled 1845-1855) Turned Qasr Al Hosn into a strong two-storied structure.
Sheikh Zayed bin Khalifa (ruled 1855-1909) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further to reflect the emirate's increasing prominence.
Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan (ruled 1928-1966) Renovated and enlarged Qasr Al Hosn, adding a decorative arch and two new villas.
Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan (ruled 1966-2004) Moved the royal residence to Al Manhal palace and kept his diwan at Qasr Al Hosn.
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
