In analysing the US-UAE relationship, one mustn't be distracted by the ephemeral dance of diplomatic and political manoeuvring. Rather, the essence of this partnership is to be found in three historical dimensions, with implications far more profound than the fleeting headlines of the day.
The military co-operation that underpins the relationship is not a transient connection; it is a cornerstone. American hardware and software have deeply ingrained themselves in the UAE's military structure. Any significant change in this arena would be a generational undertaking that the UAE is not poised to pursue.
Abu Dhabi's determination to acquire the F-35 fighter jet is a testament to its unyielding commitment to enhance its military through American expertise. The pursuit of this state-of-the-art technology underscores the strategic value Abu Dhabi places on aligning its military capabilities with those of the US.
Documents released under the US Freedom of Information Act reveal the UAE's strategy to use American military expertise to help polish its robust capabilities. The UAE has become a prime destination for US veterans, attracting prominent figures such as former secretary of defence Gen Jim Mattis.
Further, the US-UAE security arrangement is far more than a conventional alliance; it's a vital bond that cannot be replaced or replicated with any other nation, let alone anytime soon.
The US and UAE, alongside India and Israel, recently announced the creation of the I2U2 joint business coalition, aimed at promoting economic development and food security amid global climate change. The grouping’s existence, and remarks made by top US government officials, underscore the strategic nature of Washington’s alliance with Abu Dhabi, highlighting the I2U2 as a forward-looking partnership with exciting projects under way, connecting regions in a way that aligns with broader US diplomatic and economic goals.
While the negotiations between the Biden administration and the UAE for a strategic security agreement have yet to yield results, the talks themselves, covering defence, security and trade, underline the continued importance of this alliance.
Finally, while the UAE may actively pursue economic opportunities in global crises, its core economic fabric is inextricably tied to the US, particularly through the Swift code arrangement, which is heavily dominated by American rules and codes. This connection is crucial to the UAE’s economic and trade-related activities and America’s interests in the region.
President Sheikh Mohamed and Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation, attend the virtual I2U2 summit with the leaders of India, Israel and the US. All photos: Presidential Court
Sheikh Mohamed delivers the opening speech at the virtual I2U2 summit.
The quadrilateral I2U2 stands for 'I' for India and Israel and 'U' for the US and UAE.
Sheikh Mohamed and Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed on the left of the screen, with Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India, top right, and US President Joe Biden, left, and Yair Lapid, the prime minister of Israel, right.
The leaders of the grouping referred to as the West Asia Quad were expected to discuss the global food crisis and other areas of co-operation.
The virtual meeting of the four leaders was the first summit of the I2U2 since it was formed in October last year to deal with issues concerning maritime security, infrastructure and transport in the region.
Sheikh Mohamed said food and energy security, climate change and healthcare were the greatest challenges requiring close partnerships to tackle them.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin meet on the sidelines of the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, last September. Reuters
Far from being a unique feature of UAE foreign policy, this hedging is emblematic of a global trend
Any talk of the UAE drifting away from Washington is a misunderstanding that fails to contextualise the calculated manoeuvres on Abu Dhabi's side. Far from being a unique feature of UAE foreign policy, this hedging is emblematic of a global trend. Nations, allies of Washington included, are more reluctant to choose definitive sides in international conflicts.
India's stance, for example, regarding the war in Ukraine has been characterised by a refusal to condemn Russia's actions, while simultaneously increasing trade with Moscow, particularly in the form of purchasing Russian oil, albeit below the price cap set by western economies.
Israel is carefully managing its relationships with major global powers, notably the US, China and Russia, to safeguard its diverse interests. The planned visit of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to China, amid tensions between Israel and the US, underscores Israel's desire to expand economic ties and engage in dialogue about regional stability, while still emphasising its steadfast alliance with the US.
Simultaneously, Israel's acknowledgement of Moscow's importance, particularly in relation to its military activities in Syria, has led to its refusal to arm Ukraine against Russia, even when urged by Washington. This decision has been consistent across two governments and three prime ministers since the war began. Israel's foreign policy strategy involves a careful balancing act: building connections with China to explore economic opportunities, co-ordinating with Russia in Syria to counter Iran and its militias, and preserving its special relationship with the US.
This complex and multifaceted diplomatic approach positions Israel alongside other nations that are similarly managing their international engagements in a complicated global landscape, marked by a diminishing confidence in Washington.
In fact, doubts surrounding the US's dedication to the security of its allies are not without basis. The way the JCPOA negotiations were conducted has heightened concerns among US partners in the Middle East about Washington's understanding and regard for their security needs. These anxieties feed into a larger perception of the US withdrawing from Middle Eastern affairs. A similar pattern is evident in Asia, where South Korea's unease with US security commitments has led government officials and politicians to contemplate nuclear alternatives. These underlying worries represent widespread apprehension among US allies about the reliability of American defence promises.
UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken during their bilateral meeting in Washington in October 2021. AP Photo
Former leaders Anwar Sadat of Egypt, Jimmy Carter of the US and Menachem Begin of Israel during the signing of the Camp David Accords in 1978. Jimmy Carter Library
However, the narrative that suggests the UAE is drifting away from the US alliance is not just an oversimplification; it is a profound misunderstanding of a partnership that goes beyond mere convenience or immediate political considerations.
In addition to playing a pivotal role in the war on terror and trailblazing peace with Israel through UAE's leadership of the Abraham Accords, Abu Dhabi is aligning itself with a crucial US foreign policy pillar through its focus on renewable energy. The UAE and US have forged an agreement to invest $100 billion in clean energy projects, aiming to add 100 gigawatts of clean energy globally by 2035. This agreement, crucial to the Biden administration's agenda on environmental sustainability, will stimulate both private and public sector investment in areas such as clean energy innovation, carbon management, advanced reactors, and decarbonisation of industrial and transport sectors.
The US-UAE alliance stands as a beacon of adaptability and resilience in a region often adrift in uncertainty. It is, however, not impervious to the subtle shifts that define the geopolitics of our time. While we lack the drama of a “Sadat moment”, akin to Egypt's profound shift under Anwar Al Sadat from the Soviet sphere into America's embrace, we must not succumb to the mirage of stagnant realities. The UAE's political compass, once fixed and unswerving, may be exhibiting a quiet, incremental shift. This movement, almost imperceptible in its gradualism, could elude the vigilance of veteran diplomats.
In a world where allegiances are continually tested and realigned, the US-UAE relationship stands as a testament to the adaptability and resilience of international partnerships. Those seeking to understand this alliance would do well to look beyond the immediate headlines and consider the enduring strategic value that continues to bind these two nations in an ever-changing world.
Under ‘snapback’, measures imposed on Iran by the UN Security Council in six resolutions would be restored, including:
An arms embargo
A ban on uranium enrichment and reprocessing
A ban on launches and other activities with ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons, as well as ballistic missile technology transfer and technical assistance
A targeted global asset freeze and travel ban on Iranian individuals and entities
Authorisation for countries to inspect Iran Air Cargo and Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines cargoes for banned goods
Key findings of Jenkins report
Founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan al Banna, "accepted the political utility of violence"
Views of key Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Qutb, have “consistently been understood” as permitting “the use of extreme violence in the pursuit of the perfect Islamic society” and “never been institutionally disowned” by the movement.
Muslim Brotherhood at all levels has repeatedly defended Hamas attacks against Israel, including the use of suicide bombers and the killing of civilians.
Laying out the report in the House of Commons, David Cameron told MPs: "The main findings of the review support the conclusion that membership of, association with, or influence by the Muslim Brotherhood should be considered as a possible indicator of extremism."
The biog
Birthday: February 22, 1956
Born: Madahha near Chittagong, Bangladesh
Arrived in UAE: 1978
Exercise: At least one hour a day on the Corniche, from 5.30-6am and 7pm to 8pm.
Favourite place in Abu Dhabi? “Everywhere. Wherever you go, you can relax.”
UPI facts
More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023 More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions
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The specs
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Global state-owned investor ranking by size
1.
United States
2.
China
3.
UAE
4.
Japan
5
Norway
6.
Canada
7.
Singapore
8.
Australia
9.
Saudi Arabia
10.
South Korea
The alternatives
• Founded in 2014, Telr is a payment aggregator and gateway with an office in Silicon Oasis. It’s e-commerce entry plan costs Dh349 monthly (plus VAT). QR codes direct customers to an online payment page and merchants can generate payments through messaging apps.
• Business Bay’s Pallapay claims 40,000-plus active merchants who can invoice customers and receive payment by card. Fees range from 1.99 per cent plus Dh1 per transaction depending on payment method and location, such as online or via UAE mobile.
• Tap started in May 2013 in Kuwait, allowing Middle East businesses to bill, accept, receive and make payments online “easier, faster and smoother” via goSell and goCollect. It supports more than 10,000 merchants. Monthly fees range from US$65-100, plus card charges of 2.75-3.75 per cent and Dh1.2 per sale.
• 2checkout’s “all-in-one payment gateway and merchant account” accepts payments in 200-plus markets for 2.4-3.9 per cent, plus a Dh1.2-Dh1.8 currency conversion charge. The US provider processes online shop and mobile transactions and has 17,000-plus active digital commerce users.
• PayPal is probably the best-known online goods payment method - usually used for eBay purchases - but can be used to receive funds, providing everyone’s signed up. Costs from 2.9 per cent plus Dh1.2 per transaction.
Obed Suhail of ServiceMarket, an online home services marketplace, outlines the five types of long-term residential visas:
Investors:
A 10-year residency visa can be obtained by investors who invest Dh10 million, out of which 60 per cent should not be in real estate. It can be a public investment through a deposit or in a business. Those who invest Dh5 million or more in property are eligible for a five-year residency visa. The invested amount should be completely owned by the investors, not loaned, and retained for at least three years.
Entrepreneurs:
A five-year multiple entry visa is available to entrepreneurs with a previous project worth Dh0.5m or those with the approval of an accredited business incubator in the UAE.
Specialists
Expats with specialised talents, including doctors, specialists, scientists, inventors, and creative individuals working in the field of culture and art are eligible for a 10-year visa, given that they have a valid employment contract in one of these fields in the country.
Outstanding students:
A five-year visa will be granted to outstanding students who have a grade of 95 per cent or higher in a secondary school, or those who graduate with a GPA of 3.75 from a university.
Retirees:
Expats who are at least 55 years old can obtain a five-year retirement visa if they invest Dh2m in property, have savings of Dh1m or more, or have a monthly income of at least Dh20,000.