French President Emmanuel Macron inspects a military drone during a visit to Mont-de-Marsan air base, Nouvelle-Aquitaine, south-western France, in January. EPA
French President Emmanuel Macron inspects a military drone during a visit to Mont-de-Marsan air base, Nouvelle-Aquitaine, south-western France, in January. EPA
French President Emmanuel Macron inspects a military drone during a visit to Mont-de-Marsan air base, Nouvelle-Aquitaine, south-western France, in January. EPA
Jean-Loup Samaan is a senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore
April 17, 2023
On the April 4, Sebastien Lecornu, France’s Minister of the Armed Forces, released a new Military Programming Law meant to provide the framework for the country’s defence expenditure during the 2024-2030 period. The government of President Emmanuel Macron has talked of an “historic” budget meant to “transform” its armed forces.
In light of the war in Ukraine and its long-term effect on European security policies, France is determined to remind everyone that since Brexit it remains the de facto biggest military power of the EU. It follows announcements by Germany’s government last February that it would increase its own annual defence budget by €10 billion ($11bn).
At first sight, the new bill submitted by the French government evidences its ambitions: estimated at €413bn, the law represents an increase of more than €100 billion from the previous one for the 2019-2025 period. But the numbers hide a more complex reality. Less than a post-Ukraine military revolution, the bill reflects a compromise that takes stock of several constraints at the strategic, political and economic levels.
French Armies Minister Sebastien Lecornu arrives to welcome the Senegalese Armed Forces Minister at the Hotel de Brienne, the French Ministry of Armed Forces, in Paris on April 13. AFP
First, defence commentators in Paris were quick to point out that the new law does not actually increase the capabilities of French armed forces. Be it for the quantity of its fighter jets, tanks or warships, the government’s decision indicates a status quo if not sometimes a reduction of those items. This may be partly explained by the economic environment — more specifically the inflation rate, which is expected to consume approximately 7 per cent of the total budget (equivalent to about €30bn). Although the government talks of a “war economy” mindset, some claim this is in reality a low-cost war economy.
A second aspect is that the new law is less about building a new military model than about catching up with shortcomings that undermined the readiness of French armed forces for a long time. Despite numerous military interventions across the Sahel and the Middle East, the French armed forces have faced budget cuts in the past two decades, leaving officers frustrated with the feeling that they are constantly asked to do more with less.
The most important area of investment will still be France’s nuclear deterrence
The most important of those shortcomings relates to ammunition stockpiling. Like most European countries, France has seen its ammunition supplies declining since the end of the Cold War. However, the war in Ukraine with its relentless flow of offensives and counteroffensives reminds us of the need to maintain sufficient resources for the long haul.
Given the pledges made by European governments to arm Ukrainian soldiers, the conflict has put unprecedented pressure on the continent’s industries to deliver the weapon stocks needed on the battlefield. The issue goes beyond Europe’s support to Kyiv. A recent parliamentary report in France concluded that the slow pace of production cycles for military supplies would prove untenable were the country to face a high-intensity conflict.
To that end, the new bill also announces €16bn dedicated to the replenishment of its supplies. Likewise, the government promises an increase in personnel as well as in reservists, which will surely have a significant impact on expenditures. There are also significant investments planned for drones and air defence, which would mean €5bn respectively.
But another reason why the military programming law does not reveal any spectacular increase is that the most important area of investment will still be France’s nuclear deterrence. With an annual budget range of between €5bn to €7bn, the nuclear complex remains the biggest component of France’s military strategy. It is unlikely to change with the continuing development of a new ballistic missile and a new generation of nuclear ballistic missile submarines, all expected to enter service sometime in the next decade.
In addition to these operational and financial considerations, this new bill also comes at a difficult time, politically, for the centrist government of Emmanuel Macron. A year after a difficult re-election, the Mr Macron has failed to find a modus operandi with the parliament. In absence of an absolute majority, his party, Renaissance, has tried to build ad hoc coalitions but faced stiff resistance from all oppositions.
This was most recently on display during the contentious debates on Mr Macron’s pension reform, opposed by both the left and right as well as the majority of the public. In March, the reform was eventually imposed on French legislators by using an article of the country’s constitution that allows the government to submit a law without a vote by the National Assembly.
In that environment, far-left opponents of Mr Macron are likely to challenge any new project pushed by his government. Their obstruction is not without substance. In the past, their leader, Jean-Luc Melenchon, called for reducing France’s costly investments in nuclear submarines — favouring space investments.
Even the right-wing party, the Republicans, argued in the Parliament that the financing of the bill presented by the government was unconvincing. This all suggests that defence expenditure will not be immune to the current climate of partisan politics in Paris.
But beyond the issues related to the economic and political constraints, this new military programming law is also a revealing document on how France sees its future security strategy. In fact, the bill tends to nuance the centrality of the Ukraine war in Paris’s thinking. The scenario of a conventional war is mentioned as the first threat but transnational terrorism is next.
For French strategists, the continuing conflict between Kyiv and Moscow surely calls for better preparation of industrial cycles, but in their minds a ground invasion does not represent a scenario that could apply to France. Even then, French forces are trained to operate under the assumption that European and American allies would join them.
The military model emerging from the document is one that still relies on nuclear deterrence as well as new means to project power beyond France’s borders. In particular, new investments allocated to patrol vessels to defend French territories in the Indo-Pacific reflect the enduring desire of Paris to play a role in the region. These were priorities well before the war in Ukraine. In other words, the conflict may change the way Europeans think about using their armed forces, but not so much how they would use them.
Under ‘snapback’, measures imposed on Iran by the UN Security Council in six resolutions would be restored, including:
An arms embargo
A ban on uranium enrichment and reprocessing
A ban on launches and other activities with ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons, as well as ballistic missile technology transfer and technical assistance
A targeted global asset freeze and travel ban on Iranian individuals and entities
Authorisation for countries to inspect Iran Air Cargo and Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines cargoes for banned goods
What can you do?
Document everything immediately; including dates, times, locations and witnesses
Seek professional advice from a legal expert
You can report an incident to HR or an immediate supervisor
You can use the Ministry of Human Resources and Emiratisation’s dedicated hotline
In criminal cases, you can contact the police for additional support
How Alia's experiment will help humans get to Mars
Alia’s winning experiment examined how genes might change under the stresses caused by being in space, such as cosmic radiation and microgravity.
Her samples were placed in a machine on board the International Space Station. called a miniPCR thermal cycler, which can copy DNA multiple times.
After the samples were examined on return to Earth, scientists were able to successfully detect changes caused by being in space in the way DNA transmits instructions through proteins and other molecules in living organisms.
Although Alia’s samples were taken from nematode worms, the results have much bigger long term applications, especially for human space flight and long term missions, such as to Mars.
It also means that the first DNA experiments using human genomes can now be carried out on the ISS.
The number of asylum applications in the UK has reached a new record high, driven by those illegally entering the country in small boats crossing the English Channel.
A total of 111,084 people applied for asylum in the UK in the year to June 2025, the highest number for any 12-month period since current records began in 2001.
Asylum seekers and their families can be housed in temporary accommodation while their claim is assessed.
The Home Office provides the accommodation, meaning asylum seekers cannot choose where they live.
When there is not enough housing, the Home Office can move people to hotels or large sites like former military bases.
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Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
Premier League-standard football pitch
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Specialist robotics and science laboratories
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Marie Byrne, a counsellor who volunteers at the UAE government's mental health crisis helpline, said the ordeal the crew had been through would take time to overcome.
“It was worse than a prison sentence, where at least someone can deal with a set amount of time incarcerated," she said.
“They were living in perpetual mystery as to how their futures would pan out, and what that would be.
“Because of coronavirus, the world is very different now to the one they left, that will also have an impact.
“It will not fully register until they are on dry land. Some have not seen their young children grow up while others will have to rebuild relationships.
“It will be a challenge mentally, and to find other work to support their families as they have been out of circulation for so long. Hopefully they will get the care they need when they get home.”
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What the law says
Micro-retirement is not a recognised concept or employment status under Federal Decree Law No. 33 of 2021 on the Regulation of Labour Relations (as amended) (UAE Labour Law). As such, it reflects a voluntary work-life balance practice, rather than a recognised legal employment category, according to Dilini Loku, senior associate for law firm Gateley Middle East.
“Some companies may offer formal sabbatical policies or career break programmes; however, beyond such arrangements, there is no automatic right or statutory entitlement to extended breaks,” she explains.
“Any leave taken beyond statutory entitlements, such as annual leave, is typically regarded as unpaid leave in accordance with Article 33 of the UAE Labour Law. While employees may legally take unpaid leave, such requests are subject to the employer’s discretion and require approval.”
If an employee resigns to pursue micro-retirement, the employment contract is terminated, and the employer is under no legal obligation to rehire the employee in the future unless specific contractual agreements are in place (such as return-to-work arrangements), which are generally uncommon, Ms Loku adds.
Benefits of first-time home buyers' scheme
Priority access to new homes from participating developers
Discounts on sales price of off-plan units
Flexible payment plans from developers
Mortgages with better interest rates, faster approval times and reduced fees
DLD registration fee can be paid through banks or credit cards at zero interest rates
You can donate to several registered charities through a “donation catalogue”. The use of the donation is quite specific, such as buying a fan for a poor family in Niger for Dh130.
The site has an e-donation service accepting debit card, credit card or e-Dirham, an electronic payment tool developed by the Ministry of Finance and First Abu Dhabi Bank.
You can donate online or order Smiles n’ Stuff products handcrafted by Al Noor students. The centre publishes a wish list of extras needed, starting at Dh500.
Beit Al Khair Society has the motto “From – and to – the UAE,” with donations going towards the neediest in the country. Its website has a list of physical donation sites, but people can also contribute money by SMS, bank transfer and through the hotline 800-22554.
Dar Al Ber Society, which has charity projects in 39 countries, accept cash payments, money transfers or SMS donations. Its donation hotline is 800-79.
Dubai Cares provides several options for individuals and companies to donate, including online, through banks, at retail outlets, via phone and by purchasing Dubai Cares branded merchandise. It is currently running a campaign called Bookings 2030, which allows people to help change the future of six underprivileged children and young people.
Those who travel on Emirates have undoubtedly seen the little donation envelopes in the seat pockets. But the foundation also accepts donations online and in the form of Skywards Miles. Donated miles are used to sponsor travel for doctors, surgeons, engineers and other professionals volunteering on humanitarian missions around the world.
On the Emirates Red Crescent website you can choose between 35 different purposes for your donation, such as providing food for fasters, supporting debtors and contributing to a refugee women fund. It also has a list of bank accounts for each donation type.
Gulf for Good raises funds for partner charity projects through challenges, like climbing Kilimanjaro and cycling through Thailand. This year’s projects are in partnership with Street Child Nepal, Larchfield Kids, the Foundation for African Empowerment and SOS Children's Villages. Since 2001, the organisation has raised more than $3.5 million (Dh12.8m) in support of over 50 children’s charities.
Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum launched the Noor Dubai Foundation a decade ago with the aim of eliminating all forms of preventable blindness globally. You can donate Dh50 to support mobile eye camps by texting the word “Noor” to 4565 (Etisalat) or 4849 (du).
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The burning issue
The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE.
