Journalists react during Israeli aerial bombardment in Gaza City on August 6, 2022. AFP
Journalists react during Israeli aerial bombardment in Gaza City on August 6, 2022. AFP
Journalists react during Israeli aerial bombardment in Gaza City on August 6, 2022. AFP
Journalists react during Israeli aerial bombardment in Gaza City on August 6, 2022. AFP


Journalists aren't asking tough questions to Palestinians or Israelis


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February 22, 2023

While there are exceptions, too often both the Israeli and Arab press fail when it comes to reporting on violent acts in the Palestine-Israel conflict. Already this year, there have been dozens of deadly assaults by Israeli forces into Palestinian populated areas, as well as deadly Palestinian attacks against Israelis. Aspects of the coverage of both have been particularly upsetting.

For example, on January 26 Israeli undercover units (arriving in milk trucks) entered Jenin. When they emerged from their vehicles, heavily armed and firing their weapons, Palestinians responded with gunfire. In the end, 10 Palestinians lay dead. Dutifully following the lead of the statement put out by the Israeli military, the press reported that the targets of the Israeli assault were “terrorists” or a “ticking bomb” preparing an attack on Israelis. And that was how it was reported. Israeli (and American) journalists asked no questions, and the case was deemed closed.

But questions should have been asked. What was the evidence for this charge? Could means other than a deadly assault putting civilian lives at risk been deployed to apprehend the alleged “terrorists”? Instead, the journalists accepted that the only evidence needed – the judge, jury, and executioner – were the words and bullets of the Israelis.

There is an especially upsetting subtext to stories like this. Israel is currently holding more than 800 Palestinians as “administrative detainees”, or ADs – the highest number since the occupation began. An AD is a Palestinian imprisoned without charge, evidence or the right to a trial or a defence. Some of these detainees have been held in this legal limbo for more than four years. What follows from this Kafkaesque scenario is that if Israel arrests a Palestinian, they can be held without any due process, but is still referred to as a “suspected terrorist”. And when a Palestinian is killed, then readers of many publications must also believe and report that the evidence was certain enough to confirm that the victim was indeed a terrorist. That’s not journalism.

Israeli troops demolish a house in the West Bank city of Hebron, belonging to a Palestinian who carried out a deadly shooting attack last year. AP Photo
Israeli troops demolish a house in the West Bank city of Hebron, belonging to a Palestinian who carried out a deadly shooting attack last year. AP Photo
Just as Israel’s use of excessive violence hasn’t ended Palestinian resistance, neither has the Palestinians’ use of violence served to end the occupation

Nor is it journalism when the Israeli and American media simply report on the Israeli military’s arrest of dozens of family members or the demolition of the home of an accused terror suspect, as if these criminal acts of collective punishment are normal and justifiable behaviour. They are not.

Arab reporting can be equally galling. When on the heels of the deadly Jenin raid, a Palestinian shot and killed seven Israelis walking on the streets of Neve Yaakov, a settlement east of Jerusalem, it was deeply upsetting that some Arab (and American “left”) media referred to the murders as “an operation” or a “successful attack”. The same terms were used after a deranged Palestinian rammed his car into a group of Israelis waiting at a bus stop, or when, in the following days, two 13-year-old boys attacked Israelis.

The same language was used when Hamas sent desperate young men into restaurants and other public places with bombs strapped to their bodies with the intention of killing themselves and as many Israelis as possible. These acts were described by some media accounts as “heroic” and termed “successful operations”. They were neither.

Instead of celebrating these senseless acts as if they were “military actions” that were part of a strategy to liberate Palestinians, journalists, especially those sympathetic to Palestinian suffering, should have asked what would have led a young person to such anger and despair that they were driven to suicidal behaviour that took the lives of innocent Israelis who happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time.

Journalists who accept and use the terms “heroic” and “successful” to describe these senseless acts of murder are no better than their Israeli (and American) counterparts who blindly echo the Israeli military “ticking bomb” line to justify undercover murderous assaults or who fail to question the legality and morality of acts of collective punishment.

Hamas militants parade through the streets for Bassem Issa in Gaza Cityin May 2021. AP Photo
Hamas militants parade through the streets for Bassem Issa in Gaza Cityin May 2021. AP Photo

I can already hear critics from both sides taking issue with this column.

Supporters of Israel will ask: how else can Israel deal with the threat emanating from terrorists? But they will ignore the very real problems posed by extrajudicial killings and collective punishment – the absence of any transparent due process to justify the charges of “terrorist” or “ticking bomb", the lack of any basis in law for the wanton violence used in the assault, and the bitterness and desire for revenge that is the inevitable result.

Similarly, there will be apologists on the Arab side who will seek to justify the apparently random attacks on any Israelis by arguing that their very presence in Israel or especially in settlements makes them legitimate targets. Or they will ask: how else can Palestinians make Israel pay for its crimes? These arguments, like those made by Israel’s apologists, make no moral, legal, or political sense.

The fact is that just as Israel’s use of excessive violence hasn’t ended Palestinian resistance to their cruel occupation, neither has the Palestinians’ use of violence served to end the occupation. If anything, the behaviours of both have only served to intensify both Israeli repression and Palestinian bitterness and rage at those who oppress them.

While we can’t expect an article to alter a brutish culture within the Israeli military or act as a salve to heal the psychological wounds of an angry 13-year-old with a knife, we can at least ask those who report on their actions to use the right language and ask the right questions when they cover the tragic and deplorable deeds they do.

What the law says

Micro-retirement is not a recognised concept or employment status under Federal Decree Law No. 33 of 2021 on the Regulation of Labour Relations (as amended) (UAE Labour Law). As such, it reflects a voluntary work-life balance practice, rather than a recognised legal employment category, according to Dilini Loku, senior associate for law firm Gateley Middle East.

“Some companies may offer formal sabbatical policies or career break programmes; however, beyond such arrangements, there is no automatic right or statutory entitlement to extended breaks,” she explains.

“Any leave taken beyond statutory entitlements, such as annual leave, is typically regarded as unpaid leave in accordance with Article 33 of the UAE Labour Law. While employees may legally take unpaid leave, such requests are subject to the employer’s discretion and require approval.”

If an employee resigns to pursue micro-retirement, the employment contract is terminated, and the employer is under no legal obligation to rehire the employee in the future unless specific contractual agreements are in place (such as return-to-work arrangements), which are generally uncommon, Ms Loku adds.

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PROFILE OF HALAN

Started: November 2017

Founders: Mounir Nakhla, Ahmed Mohsen and Mohamed Aboulnaga

Based: Cairo, Egypt

Sector: transport and logistics

Size: 150 employees

Investment: approximately $8 million

Investors include: Singapore’s Battery Road Digital Holdings, Egypt’s Algebra Ventures, Uber co-founder and former CTO Oscar Salazar

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Thalassaemia is part of a family of genetic conditions affecting the blood known as haemoglobin disorders.

Haemoglobin is a substance in the red blood cells that carries oxygen and a lack of it triggers anemia, leaving patients very weak, short of breath and pale.

The most severe type of the condition is typically inherited when both parents are carriers. Those patients often require regular blood transfusions - about 450 of the UAE's 2,000 thalassaemia patients - though frequent transfusions can lead to too much iron in the body and heart and liver problems.

The condition mainly affects people of Mediterranean, South Asian, South-East Asian and Middle Eastern origin. Saudi Arabia recorded 45,892 cases of carriers between 2004 and 2014.

A World Health Organisation study estimated that globally there are at least 950,000 'new carrier couples' every year and annually there are 1.33 million at-risk pregnancies.

Cryopreservation: A timeline
  1. Keyhole surgery under general anaesthetic
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  3. Tissue processed in a high-tech facility
  4. Tissue re-implanted at a time of the patient’s choosing
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The specs

Engine: 3.8-litre twin-turbo flat-six

Power: 650hp at 6,750rpm

Torque: 800Nm from 2,500-4,000rpm

Transmission: 8-speed dual-clutch auto

Fuel consumption: 11.12L/100km

Price: From Dh796,600

On sale: now

MATCH INFO

 

Maratha Arabians 107-8 (10 ovs)

Lyth 21, Lynn 20, McClenaghan 20 no

Qalandars 60-4 (10 ovs)

Malan 32 no, McClenaghan 2-9

Maratha Arabians win by 47 runs

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Mainz 0 Augsburg 1 (Niederlechner 1')

Schalke 1 (Caligiuri pen 51') Bayer Leverkusen 1 (Miranda og 81')

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The specs: 2018 Mitsubishi Eclipse Cross

Price, base / as tested: Dh101,140 / Dh113,800


Engine: Turbocharged 1.5-litre four-cylinder


Power: 148hp @ 5,500rpm


Torque: 250Nm @ 2,000rpm


Transmission: Eight-speed CVT


Fuel consumption, combined: 7.0L / 100km

Dhadak 2

Director: Shazia Iqbal

Starring: Siddhant Chaturvedi, Triptii Dimri 

Rating: 1/5

Uefa Champions League play-off

First leg: Wednesday, 11pm (UAE)
Ajax v Dynamo Kiev

Second leg: Tuesday, August 28, 11pm (UAE)
Dynamo Kiev v Ajax

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How it works

1) The liquid nanoclay is a mixture of water and clay that aims to convert desert land to fertile ground

2) Instead of water draining straight through the sand, it apparently helps the soil retain water

3) One application is said to last five years

4) The cost of treatment per hectare (2.4 acres) of desert varies from $7,000 to $10,000 per hectare 

Updated: February 22, 2023, 2:00 PM`