Did Benjamin Netanyahu’s war in Gaza end America’s blank cheque for Israel?
While the current US administration has been repeatedly criticised for its unwavering support of Israel, that consistency is, arguably, the very reason the White House was able to successfully make peace. President Donald Trump’s track record gave him the leverage – and the political cover – necessary to get a deal, overruling Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s opposition.
Previous administrations, both Republican and Democrat, have upheld Israel as a key strategic partner in the Middle East. But the Trump administration, in recognising Jerusalem as Israel's capital early on and moving the US embassy there, as well as endorsing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, demonstrated an unwavering commitment to Mr Netanyahu and his agenda. And the extraordinary success of the Abraham Accords, an agreement that has held despite Arab hostility to Israel’s actions in Gaza, solidified Mr Trump’s role as a trusted negotiator.
True, the US has always had a close alliance with Israel regardless of which political party has been in power, providing significant military, economic and diplomatic support. But recent developments suggest a shift to this dynamic.
A move by far-right Israeli lawmakers last week to push a bill that would see the annexation of the West Bank was met with scorn by US Vice President JD Vance, who was visiting Israel. Despite his long-term support for the country, on and off the campaign trail, Mr Vance dismissed the vote as “a very stupid political stunt”. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a firm friend of Israel and its supporters in America, also wasn’t having it, telling reporters annexation is a threat to the peace deal the Trump administration worked so hard to achieve.
It's unclear if this pushback marks a fundamental shift in US policy, but it is evident that the Trump administration is taking a much more assertive stance in managing the relationship (certainly more than the previous White House) prioritising America’s interests and pushing for a peace plan that addresses the concerns of all parties involved.
Mr Trump has repeatedly made America’s position on the West Bank clear; as recently as last week, he told Time that Israel would lose his country’s support entirely if they attempted annexation.
That’s because the American public's view of Israel is also changing, with six in 10 Americans holding an unfavourable view of the Israeli government, according to Pew Research, a pollster. And only a little over half of all Republicans surveyed had a favourable view of the country. This shift in public opinion, combined with growing criticism from the President’s own supporters, may indicate a re-evaluation of the US-Israeli relationship is afoot.
In July, I wrote a column on the rising tensions within the Maga movement, as many of its staunchest supporters began speaking out. From Tucker Carlson to Marjorie Taylor Greene, many Maga stalwarts now question Israel’s access to US government funding and officials. They find Aipac, a pro-Israel lobby group, and its influence troubling; they fail to see the benefit of sending millions of dollars in arms to a country responsible for the deaths of thousands of Palestinians. But most of all, they question whether backing Israel and its policies is good for the US.
While it’s far too early to say that a fundamental shift has happened, by putting Mr Netanyahu back in his box, US President Donald Trump called time on Israel’s devastating war in Gaza and pushed a very reluctant Prime Minister to back his peace plan. His administration’s actions since the ceasefire have demonstrated a more reserved support for Mr Netanyahu – not exactly disapproving, but a far cry from the blank cheque he’s used to.
