Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement political party in Lebanon, at his home in Mtaileb, in October. Matt Kynaston/ The National
Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement political party in Lebanon, at his home in Mtaileb, in October. Matt Kynaston/ The National
Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement political party in Lebanon, at his home in Mtaileb, in October. Matt Kynaston/ The National
Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement political party in Lebanon, at his home in Mtaileb, in October. Matt Kynaston/ The National

Lebanon's government formation further from view amid rift between Hezbollah and Aounists


Nada Homsi
  • English
  • Arabic

The conclusion of Michel Aoun’s presidency on October 31 has left the country in a power vacuum that has little prospect of being resolved anytime soon, with only a disempowered caretaker Cabinet serving as place holder.

A growing rift between the Iran-backed Hezbollah group and its Christian ally the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) threatens to further paralyse the arduous process of electing a new president.

A once-harmonious marriage of convenience between Hezbollah and the FPM has become tenuous, hindering agreement on a presidential candidate for the camp.

The two have shared a mutually beneficial relationship since 2006, when a memorandum called the ‘Mar Mikhael agreement’ was signed between the two groups. The alliance helped Michel Aoun ascend to the long-coveted presidency in 2016, in exchange for the FPM’s support for Hezbollah in the aftermath of the 2006 war with Israel.

It heralded an enduring era of deeply polarised politics that has evolved to the present day, with an Iran-backed bloc led by Hezbollah and a Saudi-backed Sunni-aligned bloc led by the Lebanese forces.

The ideological divide between blocs makes reaching a two thirds majority agreement on a presidential candidate difficult without internal agreements between political parties.

Why is there a widening rift forming between Hezbollah and FPM?

Sami Atallah, director of Lebanon-based think tank The Policy Initiative, referred to the Hezbollah-FPM arrangement as a “symbiotic relationship.”

“The two parties need each other. In a way they’re stuck to each other but they’re unable to forge the way forward.”

The dysfunctional codependency has become apparent as Gebran Bassil — the current leader of the FPM and Mr Aoun’s son-in-law — has refused to support Hezbollah’s preferred presidential candidate, instead levelling a number of criticisms at his allies.

It is an open secret that Mr Bassil has set his sights on the presidency. For six years, he was considered a top adviser and shadow to the then president and his father-in-law, Michel Aoun.

Resentment on both sides has escalated as Hezbollah continues to dismiss Mr Bassil's ambitions for the presidency, instead inclining towards ex-MP Suleiman Frangieh — another ally and the leader of the smaller Marada movement — or army general Joseph Aoun. Both are believed to be potential consensus candidates for which rival political parties might compromise. Mr Bassil has categorically rejected both.

In Lebanon, agreement on candidates is often a negotiation where political compromise is necessary between allies. In the absence of an officially announced candidate, Hezbollah and its allies have employed a strategy of submitting blank ballots, which until last week had consistently outnumbered the official candidate backed by the Lebanese Forces, Michel Moawad.

But in the ninth presidential session last Thursday, some FPM members deviated from the blank ballot strategy, sending a clear threat of non-compliance to Hezbollah.

Lebanese soldiers stand guard in front of a branch of the Credit Libanais Bank that was set on fire by anti-government protesters in April 2020. Lebanon's once burgeoning banking sector has been hit hard by the country's economic meltdown. AP Photo
Lebanese soldiers stand guard in front of a branch of the Credit Libanais Bank that was set on fire by anti-government protesters in April 2020. Lebanon's once burgeoning banking sector has been hit hard by the country's economic meltdown. AP Photo

Why is Gebran Bassil unhappy with Hezbollah?

Since the end of his father-in-law’s term, Mr Bassil has attempted to rally support from both domestic and international backers in recent weeks — largely failing to get around Hezbollah’s decision.

“When it came to Aoun, [Hezbollah] felt they owed him support” in exchange for FPM backing Hezbollah during the 2006 war with Israel, said Karim Bitar, the director of the Institute of Political Science at the Saint Joseph University of Beirut.

“This is not the case for Gebran Bassil who was never loved by Hezbollah’s leadership or its rank and file,” he told The National.

Sami Atallah of The Policy Institute elaborated that the FPM had alienated itself from the majority of Lebanon’s political leaders.

“The FPM doesn’t have many allies that are willing to lift Bassil to the presidency,” Dr Atallah said. “And they have numerous enemies. Bassil is pretty much not electable and I think Hezbollah realises this.”

“All he can do is try to nominate a candidate of his liking.”

Bargain and compromise

Although he appears to have acknowledged — but not given up on — his slim prospects for the presidency, political experts say getting Mr Bassil to forsake the influence he held during his father-in-law’s term will be difficult. This would explain why Hezbollah’s unofficial primary choice of Suleiman Frangieh is unfavourable for Mr Bassil.

“Frangieh would never agree to a behind the scenes co-presidency and would never allow his presidential mandate to be torpedoed,” said Mr Bitar.

The FPM leader has been vocal in his dissatisfaction at being shouldered out, accusing Hezbollah of being disloyal and insincere in its alliance.

“Nobody can impose a candidate or an ultimatum on the Free Patriotic Movement,” he reiterated in a speech on Sunday. He demanded his party’s say in choosing an alternative candidate for the post of head of state.

Tension between the two allies culminated in early December when Hezbollah attended a caretaker Cabinet session boycotted by the FPM, appearing to side with caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati.

“Our free existence is more precious than any understanding,” Mr Bassil said following the incident, clearly referring to the Mar Mikhael agreement.

Thaw in relations unlikely to amount to a total break

Isolated, the FPM needs Hezbollah’s support to maintain control of its share of state institutions, Mr Bitar told The National.

And to preserve its position as a considerable parliamentary bloc, Hezbollah needs to nurture its alliance with its primary Christian backer.

“It is a very tense moment. But I don't think it will significantly change the political balance of power,” Mr Bitar said.

There is hope. Mr Bassil has signalled he would be willing to back a third candidate, and Hezbollah has suggested it is willing to compromise.

But a deepening of the internal rift — in a landscape with a deeply divided parliament and opposing ideologies — would further prolong a political vacuum that has already left the state paralysed.

According to Dr Atallah, “this whole presidential process is disconnected from the reality of what’s happening in Lebanon’s society and economy.

“Unfortunately, we’re hostage to a situation where electing a president is subject to the process of bargaining.”

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'Worse than a prison sentence'

Marie Byrne, a counsellor who volunteers at the UAE government's mental health crisis helpline, said the ordeal the crew had been through would take time to overcome.

“It was worse than a prison sentence, where at least someone can deal with a set amount of time incarcerated," she said.

“They were living in perpetual mystery as to how their futures would pan out, and what that would be.

“Because of coronavirus, the world is very different now to the one they left, that will also have an impact.

“It will not fully register until they are on dry land. Some have not seen their young children grow up while others will have to rebuild relationships.

“It will be a challenge mentally, and to find other work to support their families as they have been out of circulation for so long. Hopefully they will get the care they need when they get home.”

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Dimuth Karunaratne (stand-in captain), Niroshan Dickwella (vice captain), Lahiru Thirimanne, Kaushal Silva, Kusal Mendis, Kusal Janith Perera, Milinda Siriwardana, Dhananjaya de Silva, Oshada Fernando, Angelo Perera, Suranga Lakmal, Kasun Rajitha, Vishwa Fernando, Chamika Karunaratne, Mohamed Shiraz, Lakshan Sandakan and Lasith Embuldeniya.

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%3Cp%3EAsked%20to%20rate%20Boris%20Johnson's%20leadership%20out%20of%2010%2C%20Mr%20Sunak%20awarded%20a%20full%2010%20for%20delivering%20Brexit%20%E2%80%94%20remarks%20that%20earned%20him%20his%20biggest%20round%20of%20applause%20of%20the%20night.%20%22My%20views%20are%20clear%2C%20when%20he%20was%20great%20he%20was%20great%20and%20it%20got%20to%20a%20point%20where%20we%20need%20to%20move%20forward.%20In%20delivering%20a%20solution%20to%20Brexit%20and%20winning%20an%20election%20that's%20a%2010%2F10%20-%20you've%20got%20to%20give%20the%20guy%20credit%20for%20that%2C%20no-one%20else%20could%20probably%20have%20done%20that.%22%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
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Brunch has been around, is some form or another, for more than a century. The word was first mentioned in print in an 1895 edition of Hunter’s Weekly, after making the rounds among university students in Britain. The article, entitled Brunch: A Plea, argued the case for a later, more sociable weekend meal. “By eliminating the need to get up early on Sunday, brunch would make life brighter for Saturday night carousers. It would promote human happiness in other ways as well,” the piece read. “It is talk-compelling. It puts you in a good temper, it makes you satisfied with yourself and your fellow beings, it sweeps away the worries and cobwebs of the week.” More than 100 years later, author Guy Beringer’s words still ring true, especially in the UAE, where brunches are often used to mark special, sociable occasions.

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The burning issue

The internal combustion engine is facing a watershed moment – major manufacturer Volvo is to stop producing petroleum-powered vehicles by 2021 and countries in Europe, including the UK, have vowed to ban their sale before 2040. The National takes a look at the story of one of the most successful technologies of the last 100 years and how it has impacted life in the UAE. 

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Key findings of Jenkins report
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  • Laying out the report in the House of Commons, David Cameron told MPs: "The main findings of the review support the conclusion that membership of, association with, or influence by the Muslim Brotherhood should be considered as a possible indicator of extremism."

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Reports at the time said Lord Carnarvon suffered from “pain as the inflammation affected the nasal passages and eyes”.
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16 Indoor cricket matches are 16 overs per side

8 There are eight players per team

There have been nine Indoor Cricket World Cups for men. Australia have won every one.

5 Five runs are deducted from the score when a wickets falls

Batsmen bat in pairs, facing four overs per partnership

Scoring In indoor cricket, runs are scored by way of both physical and bonus runs. Physical runs are scored by both batsmen completing a run from one crease to the other. Bonus runs are scored when the ball hits a net in different zones, but only when at least one physical run is score.

Zones

A Front net, behind the striker and wicketkeeper: 0 runs

B Side nets, between the striker and halfway down the pitch: 1 run

Side nets between halfway and the bowlers end: 2 runs

Back net: 4 runs on the bounce, 6 runs on the full

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1. Tadej Pogacar (SLO) UAE Team Emirates, in 3:20:24

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General Classification

1. Tadej Pogacar (SLO) UAE Team Emirates, in 25:38:16

2. Adam Yates (GBR) Ineos Grenadiers, at 22s

3. Pello Bilbao (ESP) Bahrain-Victorious, at 48s

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Updated: December 15, 2022, 3:39 AM`