The Middle East is crucial to the stability of South Asian currencies. It is the main source of remittances from nine million people from the subcontinent employed there. These countries seek access for its workers to the Middle East labour market, as well as the continued availability of oil.
In this regard, South Asia's desires are unlike those of Nato powers, who have large stakes in the oil industry in the region and are the destination for more than 90 per cent of the Middle East's surplus funds. These powers have a vital stake in the composition of the decision-making elites in these countries.
It is not hard to see why. South Asians in the region are most often employed in thousands of enterprises that are generally small. Therefore, unlike countries who invest billions of dollars in financial assets or weapons and must broker these agreements at the top, South Asian governments have little strategic concern for regime continuance or change.
Despite being the home of the world's most populous democracy, India has largely stayed silent during this year's political upheavals, the exception being concern for the safety of workers in countries hit by internal turmoil.
In the current UN Security Council, India is the only South Asian member. And on Libya, it has moved in sync with Russia, China and Brazil in abstaining from voting on UN Resolution 1973, which sanctioned the current Nato strikes on Libya.
Even after the passage of seven decades, India has not escaped the hangover of having been a British colony for two centuries, and officialdom in Delhi is therefore uneasy about the countries that implemented the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement, which divided the region into British and French spheres of influence. Today, these same nations are leading the military charge against the Qaddafi regime, which India sees as legitimate under international law.
All BRIC countries would like Nato to immediately halt its operations within Libya, as these are clearly intended to push forward regime change, rather than simply protect civilians. Reports in India claim that several opposition fighters battling the Libyan army are Wahhabi, while a few even belong to Taliban-like cells that regard Col Muammar Qaddafi as an apostate for permitting women in Libya to work in the same locations as men and not wear the veil.
Like the Iran of 1979, Libya in 2011 is largely an educated and moderate society, and while few admire the Libyan strongman, they would rather he stay than a fundamentalist group take power in Tripoli or Benghazi.
The hesitation over Libya is in contrast to the enthusiasm shown by Indian officials over the changes in Egypt, a difference in stance that they explain by pointing to the absence of foreign intervention in that country.
After more than a millennium of close contact with the Arab world, there is a sense in the Ministry of External Affairs that continued air strikes on Libya may bring to the surface long-held reservations about western intervention, and may end up making Col Qaddafi a hero in much of his own country and the region for "standing up to the Sykes-Picot powers".
Given the close technological relationship that India maintains with Israel, there is also an anxiety that eruptions of violence in Gaza may lead to Israeli intervention. Should this happen, Nato's non-interventionist stance would create a perception of double standards, a view that is already prevalent in much of the Middle East.
Although India is itself a democracy, it has long held very cosy relationships with Gulf nations, especially with the UAE and Oman. Successive governments in Delhi see the present group of rulers as friends and allies, hence the lack of any appetite to push for regime change.
Also, any turmoil in the Middle East would immediately impact oil prices and the millions of Indian workers there, hence the hope that the existing regimes will be able to ride out the storms sweeping through their nations.
Given this antipathy towards regime change, it is not surprising that India is unsupportive of Nato's efforts against the Qaddafi regime. It fears that success in such an operation would have a domino effect on other, more friendly, rulers. "What is to stop Iran from helping Shiites in the east of Saudi Arabia or in Bahrain, or Syria doing the same in the monarchies, in retaliation for the covert backing given by the Nato countries to opposition elements in Libya and Syria?" a key intelligence official asked.
He, along with the rest of the Indian establishment, would like the international community to "avoid taking sides on what is an intra-Arab problem", advice that may not be palatable to the Nato powers. With bigger strategic stakes in the region, Indian officials are sceptical of the motivations of much of the Libyan opposition, claiming that the primary motivation to topple Col Qaddafi is not an urge to usher in democracy, but a desire to move Libya closer to Saudi Arabia in its laws and customs.
Given that Delhi has seen Wahhabism as a negative force, and has been very welcoming of the recent efforts of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia to move away from exclusivism and promote inter-faith dialogue and reconciliation, there is anxiety that those who come after Col Qaddafi may in fact turn out to be even bigger dangers to the international community.
MD Nalapat is holds the Unesco peace chair at Manipal University and is a former editor of The Times of India
SERIES INFO
Cricket World Cup League Two
Nepal, Oman, United States tri-series
Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu
Fixtures
Wednesday February 5, Oman v Nepal
Thursday, February 6, Oman v United States
Saturday, February 8, United States v Nepal
Sunday, February 9, Oman v Nepal
Tuesday, February 11, Oman v United States
Wednesday, February 12, United States v Nepal
Table
The top three sides advance to the 2022 World Cup Qualifier.
The bottom four sides are relegated to the 2022 World Cup playoff
1 United States 8 6 2 0 0 12 0.412
2 Scotland 8 4 3 0 1 9 0.139
3 Namibia 7 4 3 0 0 8 0.008
4 Oman 6 4 2 0 0 8 -0.139
5 UAE 7 3 3 0 1 7 -0.004
6 Nepal 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
7 PNG 8 0 8 0 0 0 -0.458
2025 Fifa Club World Cup groups
Group A: Palmeiras, Porto, Al Ahly, Inter Miami.
Group B: Paris Saint-Germain, Atletico Madrid, Botafogo, Seattle.
Group C: Bayern Munich, Auckland City, Boca Juniors, Benfica.
Group D: Flamengo, ES Tunis, Chelsea, (Leon banned).
Group E: River Plate, Urawa, Monterrey, Inter Milan.
Group F: Fluminense, Borussia Dortmund, Ulsan, Mamelodi Sundowns.
Group G: Manchester City, Wydad, Al Ain, Juventus.
Group H: Real Madrid, Al Hilal, Pachuca, Salzburg.
Specs
Engine: Electric motor generating 54.2kWh (Cooper SE and Aceman SE), 64.6kW (Countryman All4 SE)
Power: 218hp (Cooper and Aceman), 313hp (Countryman)
Torque: 330Nm (Cooper and Aceman), 494Nm (Countryman)
On sale: Now
Price: From Dh158,000 (Cooper), Dh168,000 (Aceman), Dh190,000 (Countryman)
COMPANY%20PROFILE
%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3ECompany%20name%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Revibe%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EStarted%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%202022%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EFounders%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Hamza%20Iraqui%20and%20Abdessamad%20Ben%20Zakour%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EBased%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20UAE%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EIndustry%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Refurbished%20electronics%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EFunds%20raised%20so%20far%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20%2410m%20%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EInvestors%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EFlat6Labs%2C%20Resonance%20and%20various%20others%0D%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
COMPANY%20PROFILE
%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3EName%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3ESmartCrowd%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EStarted%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3E2018%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EFounder%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3ESiddiq%20Farid%20and%20Musfique%20Ahmed%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EBased%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EDubai%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3ESector%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EFinTech%20%2F%20PropTech%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EInitial%20investment%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3E%24650%2C000%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3ECurrent%20number%20of%20staff%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%2035%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EInvestment%20stage%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3ESeries%20A%0D%3Cbr%3E%3Cstrong%3EInvestors%3A%20%3C%2Fstrong%3EVarious%20institutional%20investors%20and%20notable%20angel%20investors%20(500%20MENA%2C%20Shurooq%2C%20Mada%2C%20Seedstar%2C%20Tricap)%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
The smuggler
Eldarir had arrived at JFK in January 2020 with three suitcases, containing goods he valued at $300, when he was directed to a search area.
Officers found 41 gold artefacts among the bags, including amulets from a funerary set which prepared the deceased for the afterlife.
Also found was a cartouche of a Ptolemaic king on a relief that was originally part of a royal building or temple.
The largest single group of items found in Eldarir’s cases were 400 shabtis, or figurines.
Khouli conviction
Khouli smuggled items into the US by making false declarations to customs about the country of origin and value of the items.
According to Immigration and Customs Enforcement, he provided “false provenances which stated that [two] Egyptian antiquities were part of a collection assembled by Khouli's father in Israel in the 1960s” when in fact “Khouli acquired the Egyptian antiquities from other dealers”.
He was sentenced to one year of probation, six months of home confinement and 200 hours of community service in 2012 after admitting buying and smuggling Egyptian antiquities, including coffins, funerary boats and limestone figures.
For sale
A number of other items said to come from the collection of Ezeldeen Taha Eldarir are currently or recently for sale.
Their provenance is described in near identical terms as the British Museum shabti: bought from Salahaddin Sirmali, "authenticated and appraised" by Hossen Rashed, then imported to the US in 1948.
- An Egyptian Mummy mask dating from 700BC-30BC, is on offer for £11,807 ($15,275) online by a seller in Mexico
- A coffin lid dating back to 664BC-332BC was offered for sale by a Colorado-based art dealer, with a starting price of $65,000
- A shabti that was on sale through a Chicago-based coin dealer, dating from 1567BC-1085BC, is up for $1,950
Key facilities
- Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
- Premier League-standard football pitch
- 400m Olympic running track
- NBA-spec basketball court with auditorium
- 600-seat auditorium
- Spaces for historical and cultural exploration
- An elevated football field that doubles as a helipad
- Specialist robotics and science laboratories
- AR and VR-enabled learning centres
- Disruption Lab and Research Centre for developing entrepreneurial skills