So he has finally fallen, the "Dean of the Arab rulers, the king of kings of Africa and the Imam of all Muslims", as Colonel Qaddafi liked to call himself. And not only fallen, but reduced to slinking around the borders and seemingly preparing to flee the country in which he pledged to die rather than leave. The Nato-led operation in Libya appears so far to have had happy consequences, not only in having prevented a massacre in Benghazi and in stemming the "rivers of blood" the colonel promised to unleash upon those who dared rebel against his four decades of dictatorship, but also in allowing the country's population to decide their own destiny free from the grip of the "Brother Leader".
This is undoubtedly a moment of triumph for the people of Libya. It is, however, also being treated as an opportunity to crow by others who have a rather different agenda to push. According to the influential American neoconservative historian Robert Kagan: "By intervening, with force, the Nato alliance also demonstrated that the world's great democracies are powerful, capable of acting in unison, and, most important, still committed to acting in the world on behalf of their interests and their ideals." Success in Libya, in other words, is being taken by some as vindication of the most dangerous and deceptive foreign policy doctrine to emerge since the end of the Cold War: liberal interventionism.
It seems, on the surface, so benign. Who could possibly be against the "advance of liberty and hope as an alternative to the ideology of repression and fear"? That the author of those words was George W Bush, however, may provide pause for thought. For liberal interventionism has at its heart not just such lofty and abstract ideals but a very specific and much more rigid world view: that given the choice, every country would want nothing more than to be a western-style liberal democracy; and should a state take a different path, the US and its allies would be justified in taking steps to "force it to be free".
It may be objected that such an overly simplistic and hubristic formulation should be attributed not to well-meaning liberal interventionists, whose only desire is to do good, but to those cold-blooded, calculating neocons who were behind the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. But as the Harvard professor Stephen M Walt puts it: "The only important intellectual difference between neoconservatives and liberal interventionists is that the former have disdain for international institutions (which they see as constraints on US power), and the latter see them as a useful way to legitimate American dominance. Both groups extol the virtues of democracy. Both groups are deeply alarmed at the prospect that WMD might be in the hands of anybody but the United States and its closest allies, and both groups think it is America's right and responsibility to fix lots of problems all over the world."
What has happened in Libya may provide cause for optimism - only Colonel Qaddafi's very few friends will mourn his removal - but be in no doubt, this was an intervention that both bellicose liberals and more cynical neocons could support, and although the gamble appears to have paid off, it was, like similar ventures in the past, one taken hastily, instinctively (on the basis that "something must be done"), with no serious thought for what happened afterwards nor even the vaguest notion of how long it would last.
In March the British chancellor, George Osborne, predicted that the Libyan operation would cost the UK "tens of millions" of pounds; by June his deputy, Danny Alexander, had to admit the figure was more likely to be in the hundreds of millions. That same month the outgoing US secretary of defence, Robert Gates, tore into the lack of preparation that had gone into a mission that the British prime minister, David Cameron, and the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, had insisted upon. "The mightiest military alliance in history is only 11 weeks into an operation against a poorly-armed regime in a sparsely populated country," said Mr Gates, "yet many allies are beginning to run short of munitions, requiring the US, once more, to make up the difference."
It will be easy for Mr Cameron and Mr Sarkozy, while they bask in the sunshine of approval, to forget those scathing words, just as other embarrassments, such as the fact that MI6 and the CIA appear to have been working alongside Col Qaddafi's security apparatus right up until the beginning of the revolt in Libya, will be skated over. But leave aside the compromises and the contradictions of how Col Qaddafi went from being "Mad Dog", to ally in the war on terror, then back to "Mad Dog" again in the space of a few years. The West has been very lucky. This intervention has worked out well. Others have not - as the families of the hundreds of thousands who have died in Iraq will not have forgotten, even if western pontificators with a renewed appetite for regime change prefer to gloss over past "collateral damage".
Meanwhile the aims that lie behind such actions - advancing the interests and ideals of "the great democracies", to quote Mr Kagan above - are not lost on the rest of the world that can only spectate when the western powers intervene. Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the prime minister of Malaysia from 1981-2003, described how he saw these ventures with typically pungent clarity in his autobiography, A Doctor in the House, published earlier this year. When the Europeans (by which he means "white Caucasians") adopt a "new system they would insist that it is the best, the most perfect", he wrote. "They would not only practise the system but would want everybody else to do the same. Currently they believe that democracy, the free market and a borderless world will create heaven on earth. They invade countries and kill people in order that democracy and its accompaniments be accepted by all. Millions are killed, millions more wounded and maimed, and whole countries devastated in the name of democracy and freedom."
All of this is not a counsel for inaction. The decision to protect the inhabitants of Benghazi by enforcing a no-fly zone was, in my opinion, correct. But the backing of the region, of Libya's neighbours and peers in the form of the Arab League, was crucial; and any action taken in the absence of that green light ran the risk of looking like arrogant meddling in the internal affairs of yet another Muslim state. The abysmal failure of Arab states - with the honourable exceptions of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the United Arab Emirates and Qatar in particular - to follow up with concrete measures to help protect the people of Libya from the wrath of their megalomaniac leader must be remedied in future. If countries or associations, such as the Arab League, Asean or the African Union, do not act when massacres are threatened on their doorstep, they prove the point of those who argue that only the West or the US have both the ability and the determination to step in.
Whether it is by persuasion, diplomatic or trade sanctions or, as a last resort, a peacekeeping military presence, intervention is sometimes right. But if it is not to be of the liberal-neocon variety, whose proponents often speak with a terrifying certainty about areas of the world of which they know little, let alone understand their traditions, customs and history, and which they are always intent on refashioning in the image of the West, however inappropriate that may be, then other countries must end their equivocating inertia. If what has transpired in Libya is to be welcomed, how much greater the accolades if it had been Arab states, and only Arab states, that had come to the aid of those who wished to end a tyrant's rule.
Instead, the laurels go to western leaders who will feel that little bit less restrained the next time they think a regime needs changing. As Prof Walt wrote in the piece I quoted above: "The neocon/liberal alliance will be emboldened and we'll be more likely to stumble into a quagmire somewhere else." That will be unfortunate for western states that waste hundreds of millions of dollars on conflicts that are not their business. For the countries involved, however, it is more likely to end in tragedy. Liberal interventionism has left too many corpses in its wake. We don't want it back.
Sholto Byrnes is a contributing editor of the New Statesman
Iran's dirty tricks to dodge sanctions
There’s increased scrutiny on the tricks being used to keep commodities flowing to and from blacklisted countries. Here’s a description of how some work.
1 Going Dark
A common method to transport Iranian oil with stealth is to turn off the Automatic Identification System, an electronic device that pinpoints a ship’s location. Known as going dark, a vessel flicks the switch before berthing and typically reappears days later, masking the location of its load or discharge port.
2. Ship-to-Ship Transfers
A first vessel will take its clandestine cargo away from the country in question before transferring it to a waiting ship, all of this happening out of sight. The vessels will then sail in different directions. For about a third of Iranian exports, more than one tanker typically handles a load before it’s delivered to its final destination, analysts say.
3. Fake Destinations
Signaling the wrong destination to load or unload is another technique. Ships that intend to take cargo from Iran may indicate their loading ports in sanction-free places like Iraq. Ships can keep changing their destinations and end up not berthing at any of them.
4. Rebranded Barrels
Iranian barrels can also be rebranded as oil from a nation free from sanctions such as Iraq. The countries share fields along their border and the crude has similar characteristics. Oil from these deposits can be trucked out to another port and documents forged to hide Iran as the origin.
* Bloomberg
All about the Sevens
Cape Town Sevens on Saturday and Sunday: Pools A – South Africa, Kenya, France, Russia; B – New Zealand, Australia, Spain, United States; C – England, Scotland, Argentina, Uganda; D – Fiji, Samoa, Canada, Wales
HSBC World Sevens Series standing after first leg in Dubai 1 South Africa; 2 New Zealand; 3 England; 4 Fiji; 5 Australia; 6 Samoa; 7 Kenya; 8 Scotland; 9 France; 10 Spain; 11 Argentina; 12 Canada; 13 Wales; 14 Uganda; 15 United States; 16 Russia
Key facilities
- Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
- Premier League-standard football pitch
- 400m Olympic running track
- NBA-spec basketball court with auditorium
- 600-seat auditorium
- Spaces for historical and cultural exploration
- An elevated football field that doubles as a helipad
- Specialist robotics and science laboratories
- AR and VR-enabled learning centres
- Disruption Lab and Research Centre for developing entrepreneurial skills
Meydan race card
6.30pm: Baniyas (PA) Group 2 Dh125,000 (Dirt) 1,400m
7.05pm: Maiden (TB) Dh165,000 (D) 1,200m
7.40pm: Maiden (TB) Dh165,000 (D) 1,400m
8.15pm: Handicap (TB) Dh170,000 (D) 1,900m
8.50pm: Rated Conditions (TB) Dh240,000 (D) 1,600m
9.25pm: Handicap (TB) Dh175,000 (D)1,200m
10pm: Handicap (TB) Dh165,000 (D) 1,400m
Top%2010%20most%20competitive%20economies
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Test
Director: S Sashikanth
Cast: Nayanthara, Siddharth, Meera Jasmine, R Madhavan
Star rating: 2/5
Nepotism is the name of the game
Salman Khan’s father, Salim Khan, is one of Bollywood’s most legendary screenwriters. Through his partnership with co-writer Javed Akhtar, Salim is credited with having paved the path for the Indian film industry’s blockbuster format in the 1970s. Something his son now rules the roost of. More importantly, the Salim-Javed duo also created the persona of the “angry young man” for Bollywood megastar Amitabh Bachchan in the 1970s, reflecting the angst of the average Indian. In choosing to be the ordinary man’s “hero” as opposed to a thespian in new Bollywood, Salman Khan remains tightly linked to his father’s oeuvre. Thanks dad.
THE SPECS
Engine: 1.5-litre
Transmission: 6-speed automatic
Power: 110 horsepower
Torque: 147Nm
Price: From Dh59,700
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The specs: Fenyr SuperSport
Price, base: Dh5.1 million
Engine: 3.8-litre twin-turbo flat-six
Transmission: Seven-speed automatic
Power: 800hp @ 7,100pm
Torque: 980Nm @ 4,000rpm
Fuel economy, combined: 13.5L / 100km
Libya's Gold
UN Panel of Experts found regime secretly sold a fifth of the country's gold reserves.
The panel’s 2017 report followed a trail to West Africa where large sums of cash and gold were hidden by Abdullah Al Senussi, Qaddafi’s former intelligence chief, in 2011.
Cases filled with cash that was said to amount to $560m in 100 dollar notes, that was kept by a group of Libyans in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso.
A second stash was said to have been held in Accra, Ghana, inside boxes at the local offices of an international human rights organisation based in France.
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more from Janine di Giovanni
Sholto Byrnes on Myanmar politics
The specs
Engine: Four electric motors, one at each wheel
Power: 579hp
Torque: 859Nm
Transmission: Single-speed automatic
Price: From Dh825,900
On sale: Now
The National's picks
4.35pm: Tilal Al Khalediah
5.10pm: Continous
5.45pm: Raging Torrent
6.20pm: West Acre
7pm: Flood Zone
7.40pm: Straight No Chaser
8.15pm: Romantic Warrior
8.50pm: Calandogan
9.30pm: Forever Young
At a glance
Global events: Much of the UK’s economic woes were blamed on “increased global uncertainty”, which can be interpreted as the economic impact of the Ukraine war and the uncertainty over Donald Trump’s tariffs.
Growth forecasts: Cut for 2025 from 2 per cent to 1 per cent. The OBR watchdog also estimated inflation will average 3.2 per cent this year
Welfare: Universal credit health element cut by 50 per cent and frozen for new claimants, building on cuts to the disability and incapacity bill set out earlier this month
Spending cuts: Overall day-to day-spending across government cut by £6.1bn in 2029-30
Tax evasion: Steps to crack down on tax evasion to raise “£6.5bn per year” for the public purse
Defence: New high-tech weaponry, upgrading HM Naval Base in Portsmouth
Housing: Housebuilding to reach its highest in 40 years, with planning reforms helping generate an extra £3.4bn for public finances
Skewed figures
In the village of Mevagissey in southwest England the housing stock has doubled in the last century while the number of residents is half the historic high. The village's Neighbourhood Development Plan states that 26% of homes are holiday retreats. Prices are high, averaging around £300,000, £50,000 more than the Cornish average of £250,000. The local average wage is £15,458.
The specs
Engine: 5.0-litre supercharged V8
Transmission: Eight-speed auto
Power: 575bhp
Torque: 700Nm
Price: Dh554,000
On sale: now
How to donate
Send “thenational” to the following numbers or call the hotline on: 0502955999
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Going grey? A stylist's advice
If you’re going to go grey, a great style, well-cared for hair (in a sleek, classy style, like a bob), and a young spirit and attitude go a long way, says Maria Dowling, founder of the Maria Dowling Salon in Dubai.
It’s easier to go grey from a lighter colour, so you may want to do that first. And this is the time to try a shorter style, she advises. Then a stylist can introduce highlights, start lightening up the roots, and let it fade out. Once it’s entirely grey, a purple shampoo will prevent yellowing.
“Get professional help – there’s no other way to go around it,” she says. “And don’t just let it grow out because that looks really bad. Put effort into it: properly condition, straighten, get regular trims, make sure it’s glossy.”
The Limehouse Golem
Director: Juan Carlos Medina
Cast: Olivia Cooke, Bill Nighy, Douglas Booth
Three stars
The Programme
Saturday, October 26: ‘The Time That Remains’ (2009) by Elia Suleiman
Saturday, November 2: ‘Beginners’ (2010) by Mike Mills
Saturday, November 16: ‘Finding Vivian Maier’ (2013) by John Maloof and Charlie Siskel
Tuesday, November 26: ‘All the President’s Men’ (1976) by Alan J Pakula
Saturday, December 7: ‘Timbuktu’ (2014) by Abderrahmane Sissako
Saturday, December 21: ‘Rams’ (2015) by Grimur Hakonarson
The Specs:
The Specs:
Engine: 2.9-litre, V6 twin-turbo
Transmission: 8-speed automatic
Power: 444bhp
Torque: 600Nm
Price: AED 356,580 incl VAT
On sale: now.
The Case For Trump
By Victor Davis Hanson
How to help
Send “thenational” to the following numbers or call the hotline on: 0502955999
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Company%20Profile
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
The specs
AT4 Ultimate, as tested
Engine: 6.2-litre V8
Power: 420hp
Torque: 623Nm
Transmission: 10-speed automatic
Price: From Dh330,800 (Elevation: Dh236,400; AT4: Dh286,800; Denali: Dh345,800)
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What is Bitcoin?
Bitcoin is the most popular virtual currency in the world. It was created in 2009 as a new way of paying for things that would not be subject to central banks that are capable of devaluing currency. A Bitcoin itself is essentially a line of computer code. It's signed digitally when it goes from one owner to another. There are sustainability concerns around the cryptocurrency, which stem from the process of "mining" that is central to its existence.
The "miners" use computers to make complex calculations that verify transactions in Bitcoin. This uses a tremendous amount of energy via computers and server farms all over the world, which has given rise to concerns about the amount of fossil fuel-dependent electricity used to power the computers.
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